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February 05 2013

De Proclus à Nicolas de Cues : Raymond Klibansky et la tradition platonicienne.

https://philomtl.wordpress.com/2013/01/27/de-proclus-nicolas-de-cues-raymond-klibansky-et-la-tradition-platonicienne/

Conférence publique suivie d’une discussion. 

Par Georges Leroux (professeur émérite, Département de philosophie, UQÀM) : 
Vendredi 15 février 2013, 
16h30. 
Salle B-2305, Pavillon 3200 rue Jean-Brillant, 

Université de Montréal (métros Université-de Montréal ou Côte-des-Neiges).

 

-----------------------------

 

Inventeur et éditeur à 24 ans de la version latine du « Commentaire sur le Parménide » de Proclus (dont la partie finale ne nous est pas parvenue dans l’original grec), auteur d’une thèse (Heidelberg, 1928) sur "l’École de Chartres" du xiie s., Raymond Klibansky (1906-2006) doit fuir l’Allemagne à l’avènement du nazisme (mais non cependant sans réussir à faire passer en Angleterre la bibliothèque de l’Institut Warburg).

Après avoir travaillé pendant la guerre pour les services de propagande et de renseignement britanniques, il s’établit à Montréal où il enseignera la philosophie à l’Université McGill de 1946 à 1975.

 

-----------------------------

 

// oAnth:

 

(1) http://www.raymondklibanskywebpage.org/biography

(2) http://www.raymondklibanskywebpage.org/bibliography

 

For a complete bibliography till 2002, see:

 

Michael J. Whalley and Désirée Park, “Bibliography of Raymond Klibansky”, Revue internationale de philosophie, vol. 111-112, 1975, p. 167-174.

 

“Bibliography of Raymond Klibansky”, in Ethel Groffier and Michel Paradis (eds) The Notion of Tolerance and Human Rights, Carleton University Press: Ottawa 1991, p. 165-174.

 

Martin Thurner, “Raymond Klibansky (1905)”, in Jaume Aurell and Francisco Crosas (eds), Brepols: Turnhout 2005, p.264-270.

 

EDITIONS AND BOOKS

 

[...]



February 03 2013

« Lise Meitner, mère de la bombe atomique » de Wolf von Truchsess et Andreas G. Wagner (FR)



// Google search on Lise Meitner

Reposted bysciencemihaicontinuum

February 02 2013

Animierte Grenzen



30-second animation of the changes in U.S. historical county boundaries,
1629 – 2000:


American Newspapers and Historical County Boundaries (1689-2000):

This visualization correlates the following data: 1) A database of newspapers published in the United States from the Library of Congress’ Chronicling America database, prepared and generously shared by the Rural West Initiative, Bill Lane Center for the American West, Stanford University. — 2) The Atlas of Historical County Boundaries provided by The Newberry Library’ Dr. William M. Scholl Center for American History and Culture.

German Language Newspapers in the US:

This animation is taken from the interactive data visualization of the Library of Congress’ “Chronicling America” directory of US newspapers. It shows all German-language newspapers in the US from 1690 to 2011:




(Gefunden bei publications.newberry.org)

Reposted from02mysoup-aa 02mysoup-aa

December 02 2012

02mydafsoup-01

[...]

Der Innsbrucker Wissenschaftler, der den Skandal um die Tiroler Kinderheime aufdeckte, spricht gegenüber dem KURIER nicht nur von einer „ökonomisch völlig unvernünftigen Privatisierung, die die Republik Österreich, das Unternehmen und die Mitarbeiter schädigte“. Sondern auch über Missachtung des Aktienrechts, politische Interessen, Ideologie, Budgetnöte und „extrem viele Ungereimtheiten“. Nachzulesen im dieser Tage erschienenen Buch „Ohne Filter“ (StudienVerlag).

Der Anfang vom Ende begann in den 90er-Jahren, als die Austria Tabak (AT) den Sportartikelkonzern HTM, einen Sanierungsfall, übernahm. Dem Vorstand unter Beppo Mauhart war klar, dass das Tabakmonopol auf Dauer nicht zu halten war, man suchte wie die Big Player der Branche nach Diversifizierungen. Als die AT aufgrund hoher Wertberichtigungen für HTM erstmals vorübergehend in die roten Zahlen rutschte, überschlugen sich die Ereignisse. Innerhalb von nur sechs Wochen, nachdem der AT-Aufsichtsrat das Sanierungskonzept beschloss, wurden Mauhart und der gesamte Vorstand zum Rückzug gezwungen und HTM an den schwedischen Investor Johan Eliasch verschenkt. Der zahlte einen symbolischen Kaufpreis von 727.000 Euro und erhielt als Draufgabe das Sanierungskonzept sowie 87 Mio. Euro, die von der AT für die HTM vorgesehen waren. Rechnungshof und EU-Kommission attestierten, dass dieser Deal „nicht die kostengünstigste Alternative“ war.

„Stark auffällig, da darf man sich was denken“, kommentiert Schreiber dabei die Rolle des Investmentbankers Michael Treichl. Der Bruder von Erste-Group-Chef Andreas Treichl war für Warburg als Berater beim Kauf der HTM tätig. Dann arbeitete er am Sanierungskonzept mit, fädelte den Verkauf an seinen Freund Eliasch ein und zog schlussendlich in den Aufsichtsrat von HTM ein.

[...]

Austria Tabak – in Rauch aufgelöst | KURIER.AT 2012-12-01

October 02 2012

02mydafsoup-01

Eric Hobsbawm obituary | Books | The Guardian

Historian in the Marxist tradition with a global reach
Eric hobsbawm
Eric Hobsbawm became Britain's most respected historian. Photograph: Karen Robinson

Had Eric Hobsbawm died 25 years ago, the obituaries would have described him as Britain's most distinguished Marxist historian and would have left it more or less there. Yet by the time of his death at the age of 95, he had achieved a unique position in the country's intellectual life. In his later years he became arguably Britain's most respected historian of any kind, recognised if not endorsed on the right as well as the left, and one of a tiny handful of historians of any era to enjoy genuine national and world renown.

Unlike some others, Hobsbawm achieved this wider recognition without in any major way revolting against either Marxism or Marx. In his 94th year he published How to Change the World, a vigorous defence of Marx's continuing relevance in the aftermath of the banking collapse of 2008-10. What is more, he achieved his culminating reputation at a time when the socialist ideas and projects that animated so much of his writing for well over half a century were in historic disarray, and worse – as he himself was always unflinchingly aware.

In a profession notorious for microscopic preoccupations, few historians have ever commanded such a wide field in such detail or with such authority. To the last, Hobsbawm considered himself to be essentially a 19th-century historian, but his sense of that and other centuries was both unprecedentedly broad and unusually cosmopolitan.

The sheer scope of his interest in the past, and his exceptional command of what he knew, continued to humble many, most of all in the four-volume Age of... series, in which he distilled the history of the capitalist world from 1789 to 1991. "Hobsbawm's capacity to store and retrieve detail has now reached a scale normally approached only by large archives with big staffs," wrote Neal Ascherson. Both in his knowledge of historic detail and in his extraordinary powers of synthesis, so well displayed in that four-volume project, he was unrivalled.

Hobsbawm was born in Alexandria, a good place for a historian of empire, in 1917, a good year for a communist. He was second-generation British, the grandson of a Polish Jew and cabinet-maker who came to London in the 1870s. Eight children, who included Leopold, Eric's father, were born in England and all took British citizenship at birth (Hobsbawm's Uncle Harry in due course became the first Labour mayor of Paddington).

But Eric was British of no ordinary background. Another uncle, Sidney, went to Egypt before the first world war and found a job there in a shipping office for Leopold. There, in 1914, Leopold Hobsbawm met Nelly Gruen, a young Viennese from a middle-class family who had been given a trip to Egypt as a prize for completing her school studies. The two got engaged, but the first world war broke out and they were separated. The couple eventually married in Switzerland in 1916, returning to Egypt for the birth of Eric, their first child.

"Every historian has his or her lifetime, a private perch from which to survey the world," he said in his 1993 Creighton lecture, one of several occasions in his later years when he attempted to relate his own lifetime to his own writing. "My own perch is constructed, among other materials, of a childhood in the Vienna of the 1920s, the years of Hitler's rise in Berlin, which determined my politics and my interest in history, and the England, and especially the Cambridge, of the 1930s, which confirmed both."

In 1919, the young family settled in Vienna, where Eric went to elementary school, a period he later recalled in a 1995 television documentary which featured pictures of a recognisably skinny young Viennese Hobsbawm in shorts and knee socks. Politics made their impact around this time. Eric's first political memory was in Vienna in 1927, when workers burned down the Palace of Justice. The first political conversation that he could recall took place in an Alpine sanatorium in these years, too. Two motherly Jewish women were discussing Leon Trotsky. "Say what you like," said one to the other, "but he's a Jewish boy called Bronstein."

In 1929 his father died suddenly of a heart attack. Two years later his mother died of TB. Eric was 14, and his Uncle Sidney took charge once more, taking Eric and his sister Nancy to live in Berlin. As a teenager in Weimar Republic Berlin, Eric inescapably became politicised. He read Marx for the first time, and became a communist.

He could always remember the day in January 1933 when, emerging from the Halensee S-Bahn station on his way home from his school, the celebrated Prinz Heinrich Gymnasium, he saw a newspaper headline announcing Hitler's election as chancellor. Around this time he joined the Socialist Schoolboys, which he described as "de facto part of the communist movement" and sold its publication, Schulkampf (School Struggle). He kept the organisation's duplicator under his bed and, if his later facility for writing was any guide, probably wrote most of the articles too. The family remained in Berlin until 1933, when Sidney Hobsbawm was posted by his employers to England.

The gangly teenage boy who settled with his sister in Edgware in 1934 described himself later as "completely continental and German speaking". School, though, was "not a problem" because the English education system was "way behind" the German. A cousin in Balham introduced him to jazz for the first time – the "unanswerable sound", he called it. The moment of conversion, he wrote some 60 years later, was when he first heard the Duke Ellington band "at its most imperial". He spent a period in the 1950s as jazz critic of the New Statesman, and published a Penguin Special, The Jazz Scene, on the subject in 1959 under the pen-name Francis Newton (many years later it was reissued with Hobsbawm identified as the author).

Learning to speak English properly, Eric became a pupil at Marylebone grammar school and in 1936 he won a scholarship to King's College, Cambridge. It was at this time that a saying became common among his Cambridge communist friends: "Is there anything that Hobsbawm doesn't know?" He became a member of the legendary Cambridge Apostles. "All of us thought that the crisis of the 1930s was the final crisis of capitalism," he wrote 40 years later. But, he added, "it was not."

When the second world war broke out, Hobsbawm volunteered, as many communists did, for intelligence work. But his politics, which were never a secret, led to rejection. Instead he became an improbable sapper in 560 Field Company, which he later described as "a very working-class unit trying to build some patently inadequate defences against invasion on the coasts of East Anglia". This, too, was a formative experience for the often aloof young intellectual prodigy. "There was something sublime about them and about Britain at that time," he wrote. "That wartime experience converted me to the British working class. They were not very clever, except for the Scots and Welsh, but they were very, very good people."

Hobsbawm married his first wife, Muriel Seaman, in 1943. After the war, returning to Cambridge, he made another choice, abandoning a planned doctorate on north African agrarian reform in favour of research on the Fabians. It was a move that opened the door to both a lifetime of study of the 19th century and an equally long-lasting preoccupation with the problems of the left. In 1947 he got his first tenured job, as a history lecturer at Birkbeck College, London, where he was to remain for much of his teaching life.

With the onset of the cold war, a very British academic McCarthyism meant that the Cambridge lectureship which Hobsbawm always coveted never materialised. He shuttled between Cambridge and London, one of the principal organisers and driving forces of the Communist Party Historians Group, a glittering radical academy which brought together some of the most prominent historians of the postwar era. Its members also included Christopher Hill, Rodney Hilton, AL Morton, EP Thompson, John Saville and, later, Raphael Samuel. Whatever else it achieved, the CP Historians Group, about which Hobsbawm wrote an authoritative essay in 1978, certainly provided a nucleus for many of his first steps as a major historical writer.

Hobsbawm's first book, Labour's Turning Point (1948), an edited collection of documents from the Fabian era, belongs firmly to this CP-dominated era, as does his engagement in the once celebrated "standard of living" debate about the economic consequences of the early industrial revolution, in which he and RM Hartwell traded arguments in successive numbers of the Economic History Review. The foundation of the Past and Present journal – now the most lasting, if fully independent, legacy of the Historians Group – also belongs to this period.

Hobsbawm was never to leave the Communist party and always thought of himself as part of an international communist movement. For many, this remained the insuperable obstacle to an embrace of his writing. Yet he always remained very much a licensed free-thinker within the party's ranks. Over Hungary in 1956, an event which split the CP and drove many intellectuals out of the party, he was a voice of protest who nevertheless remained.

Yet, as with his contemporary, Christopher Hill, who left the CP at this time, the political trauma of 1956 and the start of a lastingly happy second marriage combined in some way to trigger a sustained and fruitful period of historical writing that was to establish fame and reputation. In 1959 he published his first major work, Primitive Rebels, a strikingly original account, particularly for those times, of southern European rural secret societies and millenarian cultures (he was still writing about the subject as recently as 2011). He returned to these themes again a decade later in Captain Swing, a detailed study of rural protest in early 19th-century England co-authored with George Rudé, and Bandits, a more wide-ranging attempt at synthesis. These works are reminders that Hobsbawm was both a bridge between European and British historiography and a forerunner of the notable rise of the study of social history in post-1968 Britain.

By this time, though, Hobsbawm had already published the first of the works on which both his popular and academic reputations still rest. A collection of some of his most important essays, Labouring Men, appeared in 1964 (a second collection, Worlds of Labour, was to follow 20 years later). But it was Industry and Empire (1968), a compelling summation of much of his work on Britain and the industrial revolution, that achieved the highest esteem. It has rarely been out of print.

Even more influential in the long term was the Age of… series, which he began in 1962 with The Age of Revolution: 1789-1848. This was followed in 1975 by The Age of Capital: 1848-1875 and in 1987 by The Age of Empire: 1875-1914. A fourth volume, The Age of Extremes: 1914-91, more quirky and speculative but in some respects the most remarkable and admirable of all, extended the sequence in 1994.

The four volumes embodied all of Hobsbawm's best qualities – the sweep combined with the telling anecdote and statistical grasp, the attention to the nuance and significance of events and words, and above all, perhaps, the unrivalled powers of synthesis (nowhere better displayed than in a classic summary of mid-19th century capitalism on the very first page of the second volume). The books were not conceived as a tetralogy, but as they appeared, they acquired individual and cumulative classic status. They were an example, Hobsbawm wrote, of "what the French call 'haute vulgarisation'" (he did not mean this self-deprecatingly), and they became, in the words of one reviewer, "part of the mental furniture of educated Englishmen".

Hobsbawm's first marriage had collapsed in 1951. During the 1950s, he had another relationship which resulted in the birth of his first son, Joss Bennathan, but the boy's mother did not want to marry. In 1962 he married again, this time to Marlene Schwarz, of Austrian descent. They moved to Hampstead and bought a small second home in Wales. They had two children, Andrew and Julia.

In the 1970s, Hobsbawm's widening fame as a historian was accompanied by a growing reputation as a writer about his own times. Though he had a historian's respect for the Communist party's centralist discipline, his intellectual eminence gave him an independence that won the respect of communism's toughest critics, such as Isaiah Berlin. It also ensured him the considerable accolade that not one of his books was ever published in the Soviet Union. Thus armed and protected, he ranged fearlessly across the condition of the left, mostly in the pages of the CP's monthly, Marxism Today, the increasingly heterodox publication of which he became the house deity.

His conversations with the Italian communist – and now state president – Giorgio Napolitano date from these years, and were published as The Italian Road to Socialism. But his most influential political work centred on his increasing certainty that the European labour movement had ceased to be capable of bearing the transformational role assigned to it by earlier Marxists. These uncompromisingly revisionist articles were collected under the general heading The Forward March of Labour Halted.

By 1983, when Neil Kinnock became the leader of the Labour party at the depth of its electoral fortunes, Hobsbawm's influence had begun to extend far beyond the CP and deep into Labour itself. Kinnock publicly acknowledged his debt to Hobsbawm and allowed himself to be interviewed by the man he described as as "my favourite Marxist". Though he strongly disapproved of much of what later took shape as "New Labour", which he saw, among other things, as historically cowardly, he was without question the single most influential intellectual forerunner of Labour's increasingly iconoclastic 1990s revisionism.

His status was underlined in 1998, when Tony Blair made him a Companion of Honour, a few months after Hobsbawm celebrated his 80th birthday. In its citation, Downing Street said Hobsbawm continued to publish works that "address problems in history and politics that have re-emerged to disturb the complacency of Europe".

In his later years, Hobsbawm enjoyed widespread reputation and respect. His 80th and 90th birthday celebrations were attended by a Who's Who of leftwing and liberal intellectual Britain. Throughout the late years, he continued to publish volumes of essays, including On History (1997) and Uncommon People (1998), works in which Dizzy Gillespie and Salvatore Giuliano sat naturally side by side in the index as testimony to the range of Hobsbawm's abiding curiosity. A highly successful autobiography, Interesting Times, followed in 2002, and Globalisation, Democracy and Terrorism in 2007.

More famous in his extreme old age than probably at any other period of his life, he broadcast regularly, lectured widely and was a regular performer at the Hay literary festival, of which he became president at the age of 93, following the death of Lord Bingham of Cornhill. A fall in late 2010 severely reduced his mobility, but his intellect and willpower remained unvanquished, as did his social and cultural life, thanks to Marlene's efforts, love – and cooking.

That his writings continued to command such audiences at a time when his politics were in some ways so eclipsed was the kind of disjunction which exasperated rightwingers, but it was a paradox on which the subtle judgment of this least complacent of intellects feasted. In his later years, he liked to quote EM Forster that he was "always standing at a slight angle to the universe". Whether the remark says more about Hobsbawm or about the universe was something that he enjoyed disputing, confident in the knowledge that it was in some senses a lesson for them both.

He is survived by Marlene and his three children, seven grandchildren and one great-grandchild.

Eric John Ernest Hobsbawm, historian, born 9 June 1917; died 1 October 2012

September 27 2012

September 09 2012

Debt Cancellation in Mesopotamia and Egypt from 3000 to 1000 BC

We must pierce the smoke-screen of creditors and re-establish the historical truth. Repeated and generalised debt cancellation has occurred throughout history.

 

 

// read more: http://www.globalresearch.ca/debt-cancellation-in-mesopotamia-and-egypt-from-3000-to-1000-bc/



September 06 2012

The Missing Links | 3ammagazine 2012-09-02

Christopher Hitchens is a hard act to follow. * Slavoj Žižek on the politics of Batman. * Žižek in conversation with Jonathan Derbyshire. * Full Stop continue their ‘Thinking the Present’ series with an interview with Albert Toscano. * Judith Butler responds to the Jerusalem Post‘s claims of anti-semitism. * What Pussy Riot taught the world. * Hanging out vs. being hanged, HTMLGIANT interview Jarett Kobek. * Niven Govinden interviewed. * You could spend your whole life making films & not invent a character as complex or endearing as Werner Herzog. * From Beatrix Potter to Sebald, Patrick Keiller chooses 10 books whose images are intrinsic to the work. * The accidental history of the @ symbol. * Steven Pinker explains the neuroscience of swearing. * Some 3 million books & countless artifacts were destroyed when Sarajevo’s National Library was burned to the ground 20 years ago. It was a clear attack on the cultural identity of a people. * How time is measured by memory. * Sven Birkerts‘ essay on Sebald’s Vertigo. * Teju Cole on Rubens as a compendium. * And Teju Cole in A Room for London. * Harry Mathews on finding Marie Chaix. * A critic’s manifesto. * 10 things Martin Amis loves to hate. * Against acknowledgments (& Helen DeWitt‘s defence). * This Space on the new Paul Auster. * George Saunders interviewed. * On promiscuous reading. * “The reader is taking these splotches of ink & making them real…a good reader is an artist.” Ron Rash. * The melancholy worlds of Béla Tarr. * Brian Dillon on Barthes (via @TheWhiteReview). * “I seek out subjects that plug into my own weaknesses & my own past.” John Jeremiah Sullivan.

Reposted from02myhumsci-01 02myhumsci-01

August 02 2012

July 27 2012

02mydafsoup-01

[...]

Sport erzählt uns auch etwas über die Machtbalance innerhalb der vorindustriellen Gesellschaften, wo sich die sozialen Eliten nicht nur in Republiken wie der Schweiz, den Generalstaaten oder in Venedig, sondern sogar in Erbmonarchien wie Frankreich, der Toskana oder den deutschen Fürstenstaaten verpflichtet fühlten, populäre Sportarten zu sponsern und zu besuchen und – solange sie fit genug waren – aktiv mitzumachen.

„Running for election“ – wie heutige Politiker – war für die Fürsten nicht das Problem, aber sie mussten auch in Alteuropa um die Zustimmung ihrer Untertanen kämpfen. Ein von der Bevölkerung nicht anerkannter Herrscher galt gemäß der frühneuzeitlichen Politiktheorie als Tyrann. Herrschaft beruhte auf gegenseitigem Respekt. Besonders ungeschickten Potentaten nützte aber auch die Unterstützung des Sports nichts. König Karl I. von England etwa verlor wegen seiner Unfähigkeit in der Finanz- und Religionspolitik buchstäblich seinen Kopf. Jakob I. von England hatte dagegen mit der Verteidigung des Sports gegen religiöse Angriffe in seinem „Book of Sports“ große Zustimmung gewonnen.

Bereits der Schriftsteller Juvenal hat festgestellt, dass die Bevölkerung des Römischen Reiches durch „Brot und Zirkusspiele“ abgelenkt und dabei politisch entmündigt würde. Die Frage nach dem Verhältnis von Sport und Macht hat Soziologen auch in den letzten Jahrzehnten stark beschäftigt. Gelehrte im Umfeld der Frankfurter Schule – und insbesondere Theodor W. Adorno – bezogen eine Extremposition mit der Ansicht, dass Sport nur ein raffiniertes Mittel zur Unterdrückung sei. Dieses in der Bitternis des Exils formulierte Urteil bezog sich aber nicht allein auf den Sport im Nationalsozialismus, sondern gleichermaßen auf den Sport als Teil der amerikanischen Kulturindustrie.[17] Ein Echo dieses Standpunkts findet sich bei dem französischen Kulturtheoretiker Michel Foucault, der Sport als Bestandteil einer gewaltigen staatlichen Disziplinierungsmaschinerie sieht, die seit Beginn der Neuzeit versuchte, die Körper der Menschen zu dressieren.[18]

Wesentlich differenzierter ist die Sicht des Italieners Antonio Gramsci, der zwar wie Adorno die faschistischen Massenchoreographien vor Augen hatte, aber doch dem Sport ein emanzipatorisches Potential zuerkannte. Einerseits sahen er und seine Nachfolger den Sport als Bestandteil einer kulturellen Hegemonie der bürgerlichen, kapitalistischen Klasse, die das Volk mit „Zirkusspielen“ zumal in ­einer Periode zunehmender Freizeit ablenkt und besonders die immer unruhige männliche Jugend in das System einbindet, andererseits setzte Sport als Quelle der Freude potentiell auch positive Energien frei.[19]

Ohne Bezug auf Gramsci verfolgte Pierre Bourdieu, der sich als einer von wenigen Klassikern der Soziologie früh zu Fragen des Sports geäußert hat, einen ähnlichen Pfad, indem er die Klassenbedingtheit der Sportarten untersucht.[20] Seinem Befund nach haben Angehörige der Arbeiterklasse eine höhere Wertschätzung für physische Stärke und ein stark gegenwartsorientiertes Interesse an Kampfsportarten wie Ringen, Boxen, Karate, Gewichtheben oder Bodybuilding, an Mannschaftssportarten mit hohem Körpereinsatz wie Fußball, Rugby oder American Football und an Wettkämpfen, die mit Gefahr und ganzem Körpereinsatz verbunden sind wie Autorennen oder Geräteturnen. Dagegen sähen die Angehörigen der mittleren und höheren Klassen Sport eher zukunftsorientiert im Zusammenhang mit Gesundheit und Sozialprestige. Dies betreffe fitnessorientierte Aktivitäten wie Jogging, Walking etc. sowie Sportarten mit Naturbezug (Klettern, Kajakfahren, Skilanglauf), Mannschaftsspiele mit wenig Körperkontakt (Volleyball, Cricket) oder prestigeträchtige Sportarten wie Golf, Segeln, Polo oder die Jagd, die mit den entsprechenden Clubs und Accessoires zur Akkumulation von symbolischem Kapital dienten.

Die Wahl der Sportart hängt nach Bourdieu also nicht nur von materiellen Voraussetzungen ab, sondern auch von der Mentalität der unterschiedlichen Gesellschaftsklassen in Bezug auf Praktiken des Körpers. Der klassenspezifische Habitus trage entscheidend zur Erhaltung der herrschenden Machtverhältnisse bei, die quasi in die Körper eingeschrieben seien.

[...]


Olympia 2012: Die sportifizierte Gesellschaft | Blätter für deutsche und internationale Politik 2012-07-27
02mydafsoup-01
[...]


[A]uch in der dortigen Pflichtveranstaltung über 'Die Natur des Rechts' interessiert sich der anscheinend sehr charismatische Professor nicht im Mindesten für die Vermittlung von Wissen. Er besteht vielmehr darauf, dass ein Recht, das seinen Namen, nämlich den 'des Rechten', verdient, ohne eine politische Philosophie undenkbar ist, dass diese aber zugleich für alle politikpraktischen Blaupausen unzuständig ist. Deshalb legt er seinen Studenten in einem langwierigen Prozess gemeinschaftlichen Selbstdenkens eigentlich nur die Frage vor, mit der die griechischen Philosophie gern begann: 'Was eigentlich ist (das Recht)?'

Schon dass er dabei von der Alltagsanschauung ausgeht, zugleich aber nichts lieber zerpflückt als das alltägliche Gerede, erweist Voegelin als den bisher wohl letzten Vollplatoniker von Rang. Er argumentiert denn auch, dass sich die Geltung des Rechts nie vom Rechtssetzungsprozess ableiten lasse, sondern immer auf eine wahre, in der Empirie verborgene Ordnung verweise. Darin könnte man zunächst ein simples Naturrechtsmodell erkennen, und in der Tat polemisiert Voegelin gegen den Positivismus seines eigenen Doktorvaters Hans Kelsen. Interessanterweise aber formt er zugleich Platons Argumentation, dass die staatliche Ordnung der Natur des Menschen entsprechen solle, zu einem regelrechten Partizipationsmodell um. Indem nämlich in der Demokratie jeder einzelne Bürger den Staat repräsentiere, reiche der Horizont der Gesellschaft immer weiter als die jeweilige Machtkonstellation. Solch stark soziologische Akzent war seinerzeit nicht nur völlig ungewöhnlich, sondern scheint teilweise die Überlegungen von Jürgen Habermas zum Verhältnis von Recht und Öffentlichkeit vorwegzunehmen.

[...]


Die wahre Ordnung - sueddeutsche.de 2012-07-25 | Rezension zu

- Eric Voegelin (1901-85) : Die Natur des Rechts. Aus dem Englischen, mit Anmerkungen und einem Nachwort versehen von Thomas Nawrath. Matthes & Seitz, Berlin 2012. 219 Seiten
Die wahre Ordnung - sueddeutsche.de 2012-07-25 | Rezension zu Eric Voegelin: Die Natur des Rechts. 

July 18 2012

02mydafsoup-01
I would like to contradict, even if the history of law shows us very well, that there is no mean provided by the best intended and formulated law, to have enough precession in its words or/and authority in a state's executive, which would guarantee sufficient protection against eroding legal egality by the influence of the powerful - on the other hand again and again huge efforts have been observable (not only during the latest 200 years, since the French Revolution) to restore the idea of egality, mostly propelled by the destructive results of legal and social inequality for the society as a whole - it's an everlasting fight between both distinctive bias of mankind.

July 03 2012

02mydafsoup-01
Coverbild wohlstand ohne wachstum?

Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte (APuZ 27-28/2012)

Wohlstand ohne Wachstum?

Vor 40 Jahren veröffentlichte der Club of Rome den Bericht "Grenzen des Wachstums". Der Befund war alarmierend: Die herrschenden Produktions- und Lebensweisen industrialisier­ter Gesellschaften seien langfristig nicht tragbar. Auch in Deutschland gibt es eine intensive Debatte über die ökologischen Konsequenzen unseres Wirtschafts- und Wohlstandsmodells.

Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte (APuZ 27-28/2012) - DL als Pdf u. EPUB

June 28 2012

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[...]

So then imagine Alan Turingstein, mathematics genius, computer pioneer, and Nazi code expert. After the war, he messes around in the German electronics industry in some inconclusive way, and then he commits suicide in some obscure morals scandal. What would we think of Alan Turingstein today, on his centenary? I doubt we’d be celebrating him, and secretly telling ourselves that we’re just like him.

On the contrary, we’d consider him a sinister figure, somebody to be whispered about. He’d be a spooky, creepy villain, a weird eccentric with ragged fingernails and pants held up with twine. He would show up in World War II historical novels as a scary fringe character. As for the famous Turingstein Test, which I’m about to discuss at length, we wouldn’t see that as a fun metaphysical thought experiment. Those interesting ideas would also bear the taint of Nazi culture, and we’d probably consider the Turing Test some kind of torture chamber for intelligent machines.

Now, Turing had the good luck not to be born German, but he also had the bad luck of being a consistently eccentric, shadowy, obscure, cooped-up and closeted guy. Furthermore, I believe our world has many such people right now — few so brilliant as him, but many as isolated as him. Rather than apologizing to Alan Turing after his death, I’d be happier if we had some working way to reach out to other Alan Turings, ways to find people like him and to convince them to put down the poisoned apple and find good, sensible reasons to cheer the hell up and enjoy life.

We have no way to know which Alan Turings among us will leave a grand legacy like his: technological advance, the Allied victory and the persistence so far of liberty, racial tolerance and democratic capitalism. We do have plenty of geeks who are just as obsessive and hung-up on weird hacks as he was. While we’re somewhat more inclined to valorize them, I don’t think we meet their needs very well.

We’re okay with certain people who “think different” to the extent of buying Apple iPads. We’re rather hostile toward people who “think so very differently” that their work will make no sense for thirty years — if ever. We’ll test them, and see if we can find some way to get them to generate wealth for us, but we’re not considerate of them as unusual, troubled entities wandering sideways through a world they never made.

So, let me talk a little bit about Turing’s famous test for intelligence, the “imitation game.” Everybody thinks they know what that is: it’s a man talking to a computer, and the computer is trying to convince him that he’s not a machine, he’s a man. If he talks like a man and knows what a man knows, if he presents as a man, then we don’t have to get into the dark metaphysical issues of what’s going on in his black-box heart and spirit; the machine keeps up the façade, so therefore he’s one of us, he’s perfectly fine. That’s the Turing Test as it’s commonly described.

However, that’s by no means what Turing actually says in his original paper on the subject. The real Turing imitation game is not about that process at all. It’s about an entirely different process of gender politics and transvestism. It’s about a machine imitating a woman.

In the original Turing imitation game, you’ve got three entities: a judge, a woman, and a machine pretending to be a woman. Alan Turing says he can’t answer the question “can machines think” because he doesn’t want to waste time with the popular definitions of “machinery” and “thinking.” He wants a simpler, more rigorous test that’s more objective and reliable. So what he actually comes up with is a test for a machine with a woman’s sensibility.

[...]

Turing Centenary Speech | www.wired.com via radar.oreilly.com 2012-06-27

April 22 2012

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April 20 2012

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Karl-Marx-Allee Shops

Where there had been ruins of a an area of densely populated, working class housing, the East Germans build what they styled "The first socialist street". It replaced the "Große Frankfurter Straße" and from 1949 to 1961 was known as "Stalin Allee".

Designed in the so-called wedding-cake style, the socialist classicism of the Soviet Union, the avenue, which is 292 feet wide and nearly 1¼ miles long, is lined with monumental eight-storey buildings containing spacious and luxurious apartments for workers, as well as shops, restaurants, cafés, a tourist hotel, the "Berolina", and the "International" cinema.
Reposted fromvintagephotography vintagephotography
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Karl Marx Allee

Where there had been ruins of a an area of densely populated, working class housing, the East Germans build what they styled "The first socialist street". It replaced the "Große Frankfurter Straße" and from 1949 to 1961 was known as "Stalin Allee".

Designed in the so-called wedding-cake style, the socialist classicism of the Soviet Union, the avenue, which is 292 feet wide and nearly 1¼ miles long, is lined with monumental eight-storey buildings containing spacious and luxurious apartments for workers, as well as shops, restaurants, cafés, a tourist hotel and an enormous cinema (the International), At each end are dual towers at Frankfurter Tor (in the middle distance) and Strausberger Platz.

Reposted fromvintagephotography vintagephotography
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Bomb Damage

By the summer of 1969 much building work remained to be done in East Berlin to repair the damage of the Second World War bombing.

Reposted fromvintagephotography vintagephotography
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