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October 04 2013

Activists on all sides in Egypt feel the chill

Activists on all sides in Egypt feel the chill,0,4640348.story

These days. (...) the official dragnet extends far beyond the Brotherhood. Criticizing the army, the mere questioning of government policy, or expressing views that could be construed as sympathetic toward dead and detained Islamist “terrorists” has become a dangerous game.

“It’s clear that we are witnessing a sort of exclusion against anyone who is voicing a concern against the current authority,” said Badr Shafai, a professor and political science researcher at Cairo University. “Anyone who criticizes the authority would be subjected to it.”

#Egypte #Junte_militaire #dictature

September 08 2013

Tiens, un gouvernement qui gaze sa propre population (des pauvres et des noirs, alors bon…) :…

Tiens, un gouvernement qui gaze sa propre population (des pauvres et des noirs, alors bon…) : Army’s secret chemical testing in St. Louis neighborhoods during Cold War raising new concerns

In the mid-1950s, and again a decade later, the Army used motorized blowers atop a low-income housing high-rise, at schools and from the backs of station wagons to send a potentially dangerous compound into the already-hazy air in predominantly black areas of St. Louis.

Local officials were told at the time that the government was testing a smoke screen that could shield St. Louis from aerial observation in case the Russians attacked.

But in 1994, the government said the tests were part of a biological weapons program and St. Louis was chosen because it bore some resemblance to Russian cities that the U.S. might attack. The material being sprayed was zinc cadmium sulfide, a fine fluorescent powder.

Now, new research is raising greater concern about the implications of those tests. St. Louis Community College-Meramec sociology professor Lisa Martino-Taylor’s research has raised the possibility that the Army performed radiation testing by mixing radioactive particles with the zinc cadmium sulfide, though she concedes there is no direct proof.


The area of the secret testing is described by the Army in documents obtained by Martino-Taylor through a Freedom of Information Act request as “a densely populated slum district.” About three-quarters of the residents were black.

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August 18 2013

Everything was possible | Mada Masr Omar Robert Hamilton 18th of August 2013

Everything was possible | Mada Masr
Omar Robert Hamilton
18th of August 2013

In November 2011 and in January 2012 the streets echoed with chants demanding the end of military rule. But now it had become the self-appointed role of the politicians to translate street action into political gain. Now, the army had people to talk to. Had all the forces that were supposedly against the military – the revolutionaries, the liberals, the Brotherhood and the Salafis – ever truly united where might we have been today? Dead, possibly. But maybe not. Maybe somewhere closer to a civilian state.

A real, ideological alliance was never possible. But a tactical, practical one might just have worked. But rather than work together each party repeatedly met with and made deals with the army, consistently placing the generals in the strongest tactical position. Everyone was to blame. The old, moneyed liberals who presented themselves as allied with the revolution lived in relative comfort, had historical ties to the army and routinely demonized the Brotherhood. The revolutionaries’ disdain for high politics meant that they effectively removed themselves from the equation. The Salafis were only ever interested in the deal that brought them the most power and their prized ministries – education and health. And the Brotherhood, long-enamored of their ability to put numbers on the street, was arrogant and duplicitous from the beginning – making serious electoral promises to the liberals, lobbying America and offering the army immunity and oversight of itself. 

When in power, Mohamed Morsi refused to take on the Ministry of Interior. Instead, he appointed Ahmad Gamal al-Din who, as chief of the Assiut Security Directorate almost killed off the revolution there in January 2011 and then was the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces’ chief of General Security at the time of the Moahmed Mahmoud and the ultras massacres.

July 26 2013

The popular war on terror | Mada Masr

The popular war on terror | Mada Masr
Sarah Carr

t was mostly the privately owned satellite media and newspapers that became the army’s court jester, or at least did so with the most gusto. Logos appeared on screens insistently informing viewers that June 30 was a popular revolution, not a coup. Then the terrorism rhetoric began, and the pro-Morsi protesters were no longer just a bunch of skin-disease ridden, cult supporting lunatics, but also terrorists. Again, this happened almost seamlessly. Television presenters indulged themselves in the vilest xenophobia against Palestinians and Syrians, who they claimed were camped out in pro-Morsi sit-ins and meddling in Egyptian affairs.

Only the weakest of evidence was produced to support these claims, including a video of some men dancing dabke to this Palestinian pro-Morsi song. The aim, of course, was twofold: Firstly, to support the claim that the Brotherhood has links with Hamas and other foreign groups involved in acts of insurgency in Sinai, and secondly, to isolate the Brotherhood even further, turn it into a “them” separate from the rest of the population. The fastest and most foolproof way to do this in Egypt is to establish that a group has links with foreign powers. It works every time.

The media campaign has been disastrous for Syrian refugees, whether already in Egypt or seeking to cross its borders. Syrians who want to come to Egypt to flee the devastation in their country must now gain security authorization before doing so. Syrians already in Egypt are quietly being rounded up at army checkpoints and detained — even individuals registered with the United Nations.

#Egypt #Egypte

July 12 2013

Visualizing Occupation : Children under Israel's legal regime

Visualizing Occupation: Children under Israel’s legal regime

The different legal systems under which Israelis and Palestinians are tried apply to children as well. As +972 has consistently documented, Palestinian children arrested by the army are treated by the military court system as “potential terrorists.” The visual below demonstrates what would happen should two 12-year-old boys, one Israeli and one Palestinian, get arrested for fighting. One would swiftly be brought before a judge, given access to a lawyer, tried and spared jail time. The other could face two years in jail without trial. This illustration is the eighth in a series of infographics on Palestinian civilian life under occupation.

By Michal Vexler, with the cooperation of Caabu – The Council for Arab-British Understanding

June 25 2013

ÉGYPTE • Le pari fou des révolutionnaires sur l'armée

ÉGYPTE • Le pari fou des révolutionnaires sur l'armée

Espérant remporter la bataille politique en cours, certains opposants font des paris qui ne seront jamais gagnants, s'adonnent aux mêmes illusions qu'hier et renouent avec des choix qui les avaient menés à une série d'échecs par le passé. Ils imaginent que la solution réside dans les cocktails Molotov, dans le chaos généralisé, dans l'effondrement du cadre politique et dans la chute du régime. Car ils espèrent que cela poussera l'armée à intervenir, à « donner un coup de balai » et à gouverner à la place des Frères musulmans.


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