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May 16 2014


February 11 2013

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Reposted bydotmariuszMagoryannerdanelmangoerainbowzombieskilledmyunicorntomashLogHiMakalesorSilentRulebiauekjamaicanbeatlevuneserenitephinangusiastysmoke11Climbingpragne-ataraksjisauerscharfArchimedesgreywolfmodalnaTheCrimsonIdoljormungundmarbearwaco6mieczuuFeindfeuerDagarhenvairashowmetherainbowszpaqusdivihindsightTabslawujcioBateyelynTabslaensommenitaeliblameyouHalobeatzalicexxxmgnsNorkNorkarthiimasadclownsurprisemeTriforce

December 31 2012

Music of Epirus (Greek side - recorded in the 1970s)

In memoriam Δόμνα Σαμίου -
Domna Samiou 1928-2012 - Music of Epirus - Τραγούδι της Ηπείρου (recorded in 1977 mainly in Παρακάλαμος / Parakalamos)


About the Epirus (Greece & Albania)

About Iso Polyphony (Southern Albania - also on the Greek side in use - three languages in which it is sung: Albanian, Greek, Vlach)

August 19 2012

NSU und RAF - die Geheimdienstzwillinge?


Published on 22 Aug 2012 by CompactTV

Am 16. August 2012 war der Mitgründer der "Bewegung 2. Juni" Bommi Baumann zu Gast bei Compact live in Berlin und berichtete zu seinen Beziehungen zu Verena Vecker Becker und der RAF.

Am 6. Juli wurde Verena Becker zu 4 Jahren Haft wegen Beihilfe zum Mord am ehemaligen Generalbundesanwalt Siegfried Buback verurteilt. Zu wenig, wenn man der Argumentation Bommi Baumanns folgt. Er hält Verena Becker für die mutmaßliche Todesschützin, also die Täterin. Warum also wurde Becker weder damals verhaftet noch heute als Mörderin verurteilt? Bommi Baumann könnte Erhellendes dazu beitragen. Er trat im Stuttgarter Prozess auch als Zeuge auf. Schließlich war Michael "Bommi" Baumann es, der Becker 1972 für den Untergrund rekrutierte. Damals wurde die "Bewegung 2. Juni" in Westberlin gegründet.

Compact live am 16. August 2012 - mit Bommi Baumann und Jürgen Elsässer

// oAnth - absolut sehenswert
Reposted fromlesslow lesslow

April 15 2012

April 11 2012

January 12 2012

Les socialistes français et l’Iran (1975-1985) - Les essais - Publications - Fondation Jean-Jaurès

Si, au cours des années 1970, l’Iran est regardé, depuis l’Europe, avec une certaine méfiance, le Parti socialiste français s’engage très tôt aux côtés de l’opposition iranienne. Témoin privilégié par ses responsabilités au sein du Parti socialiste, Alain Chenal offre un regard personnel sur une décennie d’histoire mouvementée de l’Iran...

 >>>> Synthèse à télécharger


 // oAnth - original URL --


See it on, via manually by oAnth - from my contacts
Reposted byiranelection iranelection

January 09 2012

7 Hebdo | L’éliminateur - Le Républicain Lorrain

Le film de Rithy Panh Duch, le maître des forges de l’enfer est diffusé demain sur France 3 avant sa sortie en salles le 18 janvier.



 // quotation by oAnth


 Pourquoi et comment, un paisible enseignant en mathématiques s’est progressivement transformé en un rouage parfaitement huilé de l’une des plus monstrueuses machines de mort du XX e siècle ? Face à la caméra, c’est un homme-tronc, assis derrière une modeste table de travail, qui s’explique pendant plus d’une heure et quarante minutes. Relativement impassible, Duch raconte comment il fut l’artisan méticuleux de l’élimination physique des ennemis de l’Angkar, littéralement « l’organisation », qui était alors à la tête de son pays. Parce qu’il croyait à ce Kampuchéa démocratique né sur les cendres du royaume de Sihanouk. Parce que c’était « l’intérêt du parti » et parce que c’était « son propre intérêt : afin de rester vivant ». Pour toutes ces raisons, explique-t-il, « ce travail, je devais le faire ». Et parce qu’il n’était pas homme à négliger sa tâche, il s’en est remarquablement acquitté.

 Un raisonnement parfaitement glacial servi par des exécutants pour qui les prisonniers étaient si certainement voués au trépas qu’ils finissaient par les considérer « comme de simples bûches ». C’est-à-dire des objets, des non-sujets. Rien de plus. Duch s’étonne d’ailleurs : « Méchant ? Cruel ? Je ne sais pas quel sens donner à ces mots ».


 Original URL --


See it on, via manually by oAnth - from my contacts

October 03 2011


The Shock of Victory by David Graeber | 2007

The biggest problem facing direct action movements is that we don’t know how to handle victory.

This might seem an odd thing to say because of a lot of us haven’t been feeling particularly victorious of late. Most anarchists today feel the global justice movement was kind of a blip: inspiring, certainly, while it lasted, but not a movement that succeeded either in putting down lasting organizational roots or transforming the contours of power in the world. The anti-war movement was even more frustrating, since anarchists and anarchist tactics were largely marginalized. The war will end, of course, but that’s just because wars always do. No one is feeling they contributed much to it.

I want to suggest an alternative interpretation. Let me lay out three initial propositions here:

  1. Odd though it may seem, the ruling classes live in fear of us. They appear to still be haunted by the possibility that, if average Americans really get wind of what they’re up to, they might all end up hanging from trees. It know it seems implausible but it’s hard to come up with any other explanation for the way they go into panic mode the moment there is any sign of mass mobilization, and especially mass direct action, and usually try to distract attention by starting some kind of war.

  2. In a way this panic is justified. Mass direct action — especially when organized on democratic lines — is incredibly effective. Over the last thirty years in America, there have been only two instances of mass action of this sort: the anti-nuclear movement in the late ‘70s, and the so called “anti-globalization” movement from roughly 1999-2001. In each case, the movement’s main political goals were reached far more quickly than almost anyone involved imagined possible.

  3. The real problem such movements face is that they always get taken by surprise by the speed of their initial success. We are never prepared for victory. It throws us into confusion. We start fighting each other. The ratcheting of repression and appeals to nationalism that inevitably accompanies some new round of war mobilization then plays into the hands of authoritarians on every side of the political spectrum. As a result, by the time the full impact of our initial victory becomes clear, we’re usually too busy feeling like failures to even notice it.

Let me take the two most prominent examples case by case:




this entry is part of the OccupyWallStreet compilation 2011-09/10, here.

September 08 2011

Play fullscreen

We have to call it school, a short film by Peggy Hughes filmed between 1972 and 1974 at Bagsvægd Ny Lilleskole, a free school near Copenhagen, Denmark. (via Caterina Fake)

Reposted fromrobertogreco robertogreco

August 07 2011


July 06 2011

Miles Davis - Mystery
Reposted frominsideX insideX

May 28 2011

Play fullscreen
YouTube - Bork and Hayek on so-called "Intellectuals"

I think Hayek makes an excellent point. Intellectuals are used to understanding how things work and take pride in their rationality, so when they see something happening and do not understand the mechanics of it their inclination is to dismiss it as nonsense. A proper empiricist or a 1st rate intellectual would judge from the measurable results, but the 2nd rate intellectual (which is most of them - especially outside their specialty) is too arrogant to acknowledge their ignorance.
Reposted fromkonnex konnex

May 03 2011

Play fullscreen


Unearthed: A Documentary Treasure on the History of the Internet

15 minutes of a rarely-seen BBC documentary demolish the myth that ARPAnet was inspired by nuclear war, and explain the far more intriguing truth. 

The impending deletion of content from Google Video has inspired quite a few uploaders to port their content to Youtube, unearthing a trove of pre-YouTube-era gems like this one. It’s a BBC documentary from 1997 called Inside the Internet, and features interviews with the scientists who actually built the infrastructure on which the Internet is based.

via techspotlight

Reposted fromjhnbrssndn jhnbrssndn

April 13 2011


Intellectual conservatism, RIP - Neoconservatism - | 2009-09-22



In its origins, neoconservatism was a defense of New Deal/Great Society liberalism at home and abroad, both from the radical, countercultural left of the era and from its own design defects. The early neocons were Kennedy-Johnson liberals who believed that liberal reform should avoid naive utopianism and should be guided by pragmatism and empirical social science. The '70s neoconservatives were so focused on the utopianism of the '60s campus left, however, that most paid too little attention to a far greater threat to their beloved New Deal tradition, the utopianism of the libertarian right. Ultimately Milton Friedman and other free-market ideologues did far more damage to America than the carnival freaks of the counterculture.

But the early neoconservatives were right to defend mainstream liberalism against countercultural radicalism. Like today's right, the '60s and '70s left was emotional, expressivist and anti-intellectual. (One of its bibles was Abbie Hoffman's "Steal This Book!") Like today's right, the '70s left favored theatrical protest over discussion and debate. The prophets of the Age of Aquarius and the "population explosion" were every bit as apocalyptic as Glenn Beck. And just as today's right-wing radicals play at Boston Tea Parties, so Abbie Hoffman dressed up as Uncle Sam. The teabaggers are the Yippies of the right. 

Boomer nostalgia to the contrary, in the case of practically every domestic issue disputed by the counterculture and the original neoconservatives the mainstream progressive position today is that of the neoconservatives of the '70s. While the neoconservatives of the Committee on the Present Danger in the 1970s exaggerated Soviet power, the kind of muscular liberal internationalism that Pat Moynihan defended against the left in the 1970s and against Reaganite unilateralism in the 1980s is today's progressive grand strategy. Neoconservatives like Moynihan were denounced as racists in the 1970s for saying the same things about the importance of law and order and functioning families that Clinton and Obama have been able to say without controversy. The original neoconservatives like Moynihan and Glazer sought to help the black and Latino poor by means of universal, race-neutral programs instead of race-based affirmative action, which, they warned, would spark a white backlash to the benefit of conservatives. They were right about the political potency and longevity of that backlash, too, even though today's progressives still refuse to admit it.

The enduring legacy of the original neoconservatives is less a matter of policy positions than a particular intellectual style. David Hume defined the essayist as a messenger from the realm of learning to the realm of conversation. Between the late '60s and the mid-'80s, the public intellectuals of the neoconservative movement shuttled between the two realms, writing essays with academic rigor and journalistic clarity for the general educated public in Commentary, edited by Norman Podhoretz, and the two quarterlies that Irving Kristol founded, the Public Interest and the National Interest. Here are a few of the essays in the inaugural issue of the Public Interest in fall 1965: Daniel Patrick Moynihan on "The Professionalization of Reform"; Robert M. Solow, "Technology and Unemployment"; Jacques Barzun, "Art -- by act-of-Congress"; Nathan Glazer, "Paradoxes of American Poverty"; Daniel Bell, "The Study of the Future." The journal in its ecumenical first issue included Robert L. Heilbroner from the left and Robert A. Nisbet from the right. If you were interested in the scintillant collision of philosophy, politics and policy, bliss was it in that dawn to be alive. In an era as inhospitable as our own to the essay as a form, it is encouraging to see an attempt by conservatives to revive the Public Interest under the name of National Affairs. The influence of the neoconservative style of informed debate is evident as well in the flourishing new liberal quarterly Democracy: A Journal of Ideas.

In the 1950s, Irving Kristol, with the British poet Stephen Spender, had co-edited Encounter. In my view Encounter was the best magazine in the English language ever (sorry, Addison and Steele). Here is an anthology of the best of Encounter, including essays and poems by W.H.. Auden and Daniel Bell and Isaiah Berlin and short stories by Nadine Gordimer and Edmund Wilson.


via -

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April 07 2011

IFTF-ARPA-Report.jpg (JPEG-Grafik, 1800x1400 Pixel) - Skaliert (70%)

Earlier this week, I posted about the death of Paul Baran, co-inventor of packet switching -- the core technology of the Internet -- and a co-founder of Institute for the Future, the non-profit forecasting thinktank where I'm a research director. Yesterday, as we looked through our library of Baran's brilliant, and still-relevant, research papers, we came across a mind-blowing report from 1971, titled "Toward a Study of Future Urban High-Capacity Telecommunications Systems." At the time, Baran and his IFTF colleagues were considering how the military's ARPANET, the precursor to the Internet, might someday change our everyday lives if it became publicly accessible. This particular report contained a delightfully prophetic page of forecasts titled "Brief Descriptions of Potential Home Information Services." Click here to see a full scan of the page. Here are a few of my favorites (remember, this was 1971!):
 tmp  images iftfbarantelecom * DEDICATED NEWSPAPER. A set of pages with printed and graphic information, possibly including photographs, the organization of which has been predetermined by a user to suit his preferences.

* PLAYS AND MOVIES FROM A VIDEO LIBRARY. Selection of all plays and movies. Color and good sound are required.

* RESTAURANTS. Following a query for a type of restaurant (Japanese, for instance), reservations, menu, prices are shown. Displays of dishes, location of tables, may be included.

* LIBRARY ACCESS. After an interactive "browsing" with a "librarian computer" and a quotation for the cost of hard copy facsimile or a slow-scan video transmission, a book or a magazine is transmitted to the home.

"IFTF Celebrates Paul Baran: Forecasting the Internet" (IFTF, thanks Jean Hagan!)

"Paul Baran obituary" (The Guardian)

Reposted frompresseschauer presseschauer

March 31 2011

Ad Lib On Nippon

Reposted fromreckon reckon

March 08 2011


Einem mutigen italienischen Richter, Felice Casson, ist es zu verdanken, dass ein bis dato unaufgeklärtes Bombenattentat von 1972 bei Venedig wieder untersucht wurde. Dabei kam er auf die Spur eines Täters, der ein umfangreiches Geständnis ablegte. Vicenzo Vinciguerra beschrieb den Sinn der politisch motivierten Terroranschläge und Mordtaten in Italien als Strategie der von NATO, CIA und Teilen des italienischen Geheimdienstes über das Gladio-Netzwerk ausgeübten „Strategie der Spannung“. Vinciguerra sagte u. a. aus: „Man musste Zivilisten angreifen, Männer, Frauen, Kinder, unschuldige Menschen, unbekannte Menschen, die weit weg vom politischen Spiel waren. Der Grund dafür war einfach. Die Anschläge sollten das italienische Volk dazu bringen, den Staat um größere Sicherheit zu bitten … Diese politische Logik liegt all den Massakern und Terroranschlägen zugrunde, welche ohne richterliches Urteil bleiben, weil der Staat sich ja nicht selbst verurteilen kann.“

Auf der Basis von Cassons Enthüllungen wurden durch gerichtliche Untersuchungen und eine staatliche Untersuchungskommission zahlreiche Terroranschläge neu untersucht. Dabei stellte sich heraus, dass durch die inszenierten Anschläge im Rahmen der Strategie der Spannung mehr als 200 Menschen getötet und etwa 600 verletzt worden waren; der bekannteste war der Terroranschlag auf den Hauptbahnhof von Bologna 1980 mit 85 Toten und über 200 Verletzten. In der Folge wurden für eine Reihe von bis dahin meist den Roten Brigaden zugeschriebenen Terroranschlägen einige Rechtsextremisten und Geheimdienstler zu langjährigen Haftstrafen verurteilt.

Die Untersuchungskommission des italienischen Senats zum Thema Terrorismus und Massaker (1994–2000) stellte, dies bestätigend, abschließend fest: „Die Massaker wurden organisiert und unterstützt von Personen, Institutionen des italienischen Staates und von Männern, die mit dem amerikanischen Geheimdienst in Verbindung standen.“

Strategie der Spannung (Italien) – Wikipedia
Reposted fromfyi fyi viakrekk krekk
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