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December 22 2009

Policymakers Need Better and More Timely Economic Data

[Also posted at CBS MoneyWatch]

When it was announced two months ago that GDP had grown by 3.5 percent in the third quarter of this year, it took the sails out of any movement toward another stimulus package. Now the number has been revised downward to 2.2 percent.

At a growth rate of 3.5 percent, the economy would be growing slightly faster than the long-run trend so that, although progress would be very, very slow, the economy would at least be catching up to the long-run trend (in the recovery from previous recessions, it was not unusual for GDP to grow at 6 or 7 percent, but even at those high growth rates the recovery takes time). At a growth rate of 2.2 percent, the economy is not even treading water let alone making up for past losses.

The economy needs more help, but they way in which the GDP numbers arrived, with the 3.5 percent initial figure heralded as the sign that better times were just around the corner, undermined the case for a new fiscal stimulus package and likely caused the Fed to back off of any further plans it might have had to do more to help the economy recover. Now we know the 3.5 percent figure was overly optimistic, but two months have passed and any momentum towards providing additional stimulus has largely faded from discussion.

This points to the fact that policymakers need better and more timely data. The fourth quarter is almost over yet we are still trying to figure out what happened in the third quarter, and we still don't know for sure. There has been lots of criticism of how policymakers have reacted in this recession, much of it deserved, but little of that discussion has recognized the data problems. I don't know for sure what the problems are in collecting data in nearly real time, or if data collection can be improved, but it seems we can do better in the digital age sand it would certainly be worthwhile for Congress to look into this carefully and see if some investment into data collection would be helpful. If we can give policymakers better and more timely guidance about the state of the economy, it could improve policy considerably, and that would be money well spent.

In any case, let me say one more time as loudly as I can that given the data that we do have, it's clear that the economy -- the labor market in particular -- needs more help.

December 20 2009

"Obama as Climate Change Villain"

More unhappiness with Obama:

Obama as Climate Change Villain, by Jeffrey D. Sachs, Commentary, Project Syndicate: Two years of climate change negotiations have now ended in a farce in Copenhagen. ... Responsibility for this disaster reaches far and wide. Let us start with George W. Bush, who ignored climate change for the eight years of his presidency, wasting the world’s precious time. Then comes the United Nations, for managing the negotiating process so miserably during a two-year period. Then comes the European Union for pushing relentlessly for a single-minded vision of a global emissions-trading system, even when such a system would not fit the rest of the world.
Then comes the United States Senate, which has ignored climate change for 15 consecutive years since ratifying the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change. Finally, there is Obama, who effectively abandoned a systematic course of action under the UN framework, because it was proving nettlesome to US power and domestic politics.
Obama’s decision to declare a phony negotiating victory amounts to a declaration that rich countries will do what they want and must no longer listen to the “pesky” concerns of many smaller and poorer countries. Some will view this as pragmatic, reflecting the difficulty of getting agreement with 192 UN member states. But it is worse than that. International law, as complicated as it is, has been replaced by the insincere, inconsistent, and unconvincing word of a few powers, notably the US, which has never shown goodwill to the rest of the world on this issue, nor the ability or interest needed to take the lead on it.
From the standpoint of actual reduction of greenhouse-gas emissions, this agreement is unlikely to accomplish anything real. ... The reality is that the world will now wait to see if the US accomplishes any serious emissions reduction. Grave doubts are in order... Obama does not have the votes in the Senate, has not displayed any willingness to expend political capital to reach a Senate agreement, and may not even see a Senate vote on the issue in 2010...
The Copenhagen summit also fell short on financial help from rich countries to poor countries. Plenty of numbers were thrown around, but ... the big news was a commitment of $100 billion per year for the developing countries by 2020. ... Experience with financial aid for development teaches us that announcements about money a decade from now are mostly empty words. ...
One of the most notable features of the US-led document is that it doesn’t mention any intention to continue negotiations in 2010. This is almost surely deliberate..., in effect declaring that the US will ... not become further entangled in messy UN climate processes in 2010.
That stance might well reflect the upcoming 2010 mid-term Congressional elections... Obama does not want to be trapped in the middle of unpopular international negotiations when election season arrives. He may also feel that such negotiations would not achieve much. Right or wrong on that point, the intention seems to be to kill the negotiations. If so, Obama will prove to have been even more damaging to the international system of environmental law than George Bush was.
For me, the image that remains of Copenhagen is that of Obama appearing at a press conference to announce an agreement that only five countries had yet seen, and then rushing off to the airport to fly back to Washington, DC, to avoid a snowstorm... If ... the voluntary commitments of the US and others prove insufficient, it will have been Obama who single-handedly traded in international law for big-power politics on climate change.
Perhaps the UN will rally itself to get better organized. Perhaps Obama’s gambit will work, the US Senate will pass legislation, and other countries will do their part as well. Or perhaps we have just witnessed a serious step towards global ruin...

December 19 2009

"Sachs: The Need for Open Process"

Jeffrey Sachs says the administration needs to lead the way forward on important legislation instead of brokering deals that emerge through a "lobby-infested bargaining process" in Congress:

Looking for Change in the Beltway: The Need for Open Process, by Jeffrey D. Sachs, Scientific American: When President Barack Obama promised change, he put two kinds on the agenda. The first was substantive change: reforms to key sectors of the economy, such as health care, climate change, financial markets and arms procurement.
The second was process change: improvements to how public policies are shaped and how decisions over public funding are made. Against the odds, the Obama administration is making some progress on the first—but at the sacrifice of the second.
The important health care legislation inching its way through Congress ... will help expand the number of Americans covered by health care insurance and will limit some of the abuses by the private insurance industry in denying coverage and reimbursements to the public. Similarly, climate change legislation is also moving forward, with the chance that a permit system will begin to limit the emissions of greenhouse gases and start the lengthy shift of the U.S. economy to lower-emissions technologies.
Yet how this modest progress is being achieved is alarming. The Obama administration has not put forward one coherent plan as a detailed policy proposal. Every major piece of public policy has been turned over to the backrooms of Congress, emerging through the lobby-infested bargaining process among vested and regional interests. There was no overarching plan for the economic stimulus; no clear plan for health care reform; no defined strategy for climate change control; and so forth. ...
The complex, crucial issues we face require both expert inputs and public understanding. On each major issue of public policy, the administration should first put forward a white paper explaining why it is calling for a policy initiative, what it will cost, what benefits it will bring and how it will work. Legislative proposals should be shaped around these strategy documents. Independent expert groups should be invited to draft responses.
Most important, lobbying needs to be scorned rather than promoted. If given a chance, the public would back the Obama administration in facing down these narrow interests, the very interests that have contributed so much to our financial meltdowns, overpriced health care, clunker automobiles and energy insecurity. Scientists, engineers and public policy specialists can help craft real solutions, and an enlightened and trusted public would help put those solutions into place above the opposition of narrow interests. [full article]

December 17 2009

FTC Files Antitrust Suit against Intel

Maybe I was wrong when I said that the administration is all talk and no action when it comes to reining in market power. Hope so:

F.T.C. Accuses Intel of Trying to Stifle Competition, by Steve Lohr, NY Times

December 14 2009

Too Big to File Suit?

I've been somewhat encouraged by this administration's attention to anti-trust issues, but so far there's been more talk than action. I don't think this issue received enough attention in the previous administration -- if anything the Bush administration promoted the interests of large, powerful firms -- and the movement away from strict enforcement of anti-trust rules can be traced to Ronald Reagan's push against government intervention in markets. There have been a few headline cases, e.g. Microsoft, but not the kind of systematic examination of markets and the enforcement of rules to promote competition as I'd like to see. I've been hoping this administration would change that.

Maybe there's a reason for the lack of action. One cost of a severe recession is that anti-trust enforcement is likely to be pursued with less vigor. Suppose, for example, that the government is considering initiating an anti-trust suit against a few large, systemically important firms within the economy (e.g. Google and Wal-Mart? Goldman Sachs?). The government might worry that doing so would create uncertainty in these businesses and cause them to pull back on expansion plans, be less aggressive, etc. That could make already bad conditions even worse, and it could also create uncertainty more broadly within the business community and cause similar, amplifying effects. Thus, the government might prefer to withhold action until things got better (much as though it might be willing to let a car company fail during good times, but not in a recession).

Even if the initiation and pursuit of such action has no effect at all on economic activity, the recovery from the recession could drag on for awhile, and the sluggish recovery could be attributed, in part, to the government's action. Thus, initiating an anti-trust suit against a large, economically important firm would leave the party in power vulnerable to a charge from the other side that their "overly zealous" enforcement of these laws prolonged the recession. As a political calculation, why not wait until things improve before taking such potentially politically volatile action?

There may be other reasons to wait as well. e.g. needing votes to pass a stimulus package that might be lost if anti-trust action is announced. So it seems quite likely that an administration might decide to delay action until the economy is on more solid footing rather than taking action that might upset the economy or leave them politically vulnerable to charges of making conditions worse. It could also be that these types of cases are complicated and take time to build, and with no foundation from the previous administration to build upon, it's too soon to expect results.

But I also worry that, for whatever reason, the administration won't actually take the needed action even when things get better and they've had plenty of time to build their case. One argument used in the past to forestall the regulation of market power is the argument that markets are self-regulating, that they can take care of market power problems by themselves (and it's best to let them do so). We've seen how well the self-regulation argument works when it's applied to financial markets, and it doesn't work any better when it comes to market power. Regulation and effective enforcement of the rules are needed to solve the problem.

It's costly when one or a few firms dominate markets, and it's not just the economic losses that are the problem. Excessive size also gives firms political power and influence and this, too, is costly. We should have done something about this long ago -- perhaps more attention to the costs associated with excessive size and power would have left us less tolerant of too big to fail firms in the financial sector. But in any case, I hope the administration follows up on its increased scrutiny of market power and anti-competitive behavior with meaningful action. We shall see.

December 09 2009

Four short links: 9 December 2009

  1. The Mythology of Bioinformatics -- worth reading this (reprinted from 2002!) separate of hype from history.
  2. Policy and Internet -- new journal, with articles such as The Case Against Mass E-mails: Perverse Incentives and Low Quality Public Participation in U.S. Federal Rulemaking: This paper situates a close examination of the 1000 longest modified MoveOn.org-generated e-mails sent to the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) about its 2004 mercury rulemaking, in the broader context of online grassroots lobbying. The findings indicate that only a tiny portion of these public comments constitute potentially relevant new information for the EPA to consider. The vast majority of MoveOn comments are either exact duplicates of a two-sentence form letter, or they are variants of a small number of broad claims about the inadequacy of the proposed rule. This paper argues that norms, rules, and tools will emerge to deal with the burden imposed by these communications. More broadly, it raises doubts about the notion that online public participation is a harbinger of a more deliberative and democratic era. (via Jordan at InternetNZ)
  3. Xena -- GPL-licensed Java software from National Archives of Australia, to detect the file formats of "digital objects" and then converting them into open formats for preservation.
  4. Nebul.us -- startup that aggregates and visualises your online activity. In private beta, but there's a screenshot and brief discussion on Flowing Data.

December 02 2009

"The Wrong Jobs Summit"

Brad DeLong says the wrong people are meeting at the jobs forum:

The wrong jobs summit, by Brad DeLong, Commentary, The Week: The White House is hosting a jobs summit this week. I, however, cannot but think that ... it will be the wrong people talking about the wrong things.

Let me back up. Ever since the 1930s, economists trying to analyze the determinants of spending have focused on two of the economy’s markets: the market for liquidity and the market for savings. ...
For the government to boost jobs, it must to do something to change the balance of supply and demand in either the market for liquidity or the market for savings. In general, the ... Federal Reserve ... acts to tweak supply and demand in the market for liquidity. The president and Congress act to tweak supply and demand in the market for savings. ...

Right now, if you ask the decisive members of congress—by which I mean the Blue Dog Democrats in the House, or the most conservative Democrats and most liberal Republicans in the Senate —why the president and the Congress are not doing more to reduce unemployment and boost spending and income, the answer you’ll get is ... well, you probably wouldn't get an intelligible answer.

But if you did get an explanation for the lack of congressional action it would go something like this: Attempts to ... boost spending would (a) increase the national debt burden on future taxpayers and (b) lead to a large decline in bond prices and a boost in interest rates. Why? Because businesses would try to increase their liquidity to support higher spending, driving up interest rates, which, in turn, would cause businesses to cut back on investment, thus neutralizing most or all of the stimulative policies.

Similarly, if you were to ask the Federal Reserve why it isn’t doing more to reduce unemployment and boost spending and income, the answer you would get is this: Spending is in no way constrained by a shortage of liquidity..., indeed we have “flooded the zone” with liquidity. As a result, the Fed is disinclined to pursue additional tweaks ... in ... liquidity because it fears such efforts would fuel destructive inflation in the future without boosting employment and spending in the present.

Both of these arguments are comprehensible... But they cannot both be true at the same time. Either the economy is so awash in liquidity that the Federal Reserve cannot do much to boost spending—in which case additional spending by the government won’t generate any substantial rise in interest rates. Or additional government spending will crowd out investment...—in which case the economy is not awash in liquidity, and quantitative easing by the Federal Reserve could do a lot right now to boost spending and employment.

It appears that what we have here is a failure to communicate. ...

Thus we need a jobs summit right now. We need the White House's National Economic Council and key congressional “centrists” on one side and the Federal Reserve Open Market Committee on the other to meet. Those two groups seem to have very inconsistent views of the economic situation. ... Something has to give. If they could reach agreement on whose view ... is likely correct, then a rescue plan—entailing either more government spending or greater liquidity—would become obvious.

Until that “jobs summit” is convened, others are moot.

December 01 2009

"A Lost Decade for Private Sector Jobs"

Private sector employment is lower than it was a decade ago:

A Lost Decade for Private Sector Jobs, by Jon Hilsenrath, Real Time Economics: To mark this week’s focus on the dismal state of the U.S. job market, check out the following chart, which shows the trajectory of private sector U.S. employment since 1998. It tells a story of a lost decade for U.S. workers.

The U.S. now produces fewer private sector jobs than it did a decade ago. This been the case since August, and it’s getting worse. ... Not since the Labor Department began tracking payroll employment in 1939 has there been such a stretch with no net job gains. ...
With the economy recovering from last year’s shock, private sector firms might start hiring again. But it likely will take months if not years to make up this gap.
How to explain the gap? One obvious answer is that the U.S. has suffered through two recessions during this stretch. The first, in 2001, was short and mild but included more than two years of job cuts. The second one starting in 2007 has been long and brutal. The other answer is that the U.S. has enjoyed a big burst of productivity growth during this stretch — which means firms are producing more with fewer workers. In the long-run this is supposed to be a good development because it leads to profit and income gains. But the short-term costs are looking increasingly more debilitating.
It’s worth nothing that overall employment is higher than it was a decade ago, but that’s only because the government has produced two million additional jobs during that stretch. You can expect both sides of Washington’s political spectrum to spin the lost decade for jobs in their own direction. Republicans will use it to blast Mr. Obama’s big government approach — though it’s worth remembering that most of these jobs were lost when a Republican controlled the White House. Democrats will use the data to demonstrate the benefits of a helping government hand in down economic times. ...

The administration is holding a jobs summit later this week, but the fear is that it is more for show than anything else, and it is not clear what, if anything, will come of it. If so, that's a mistake. The administration needs to do more than just acknowledge that it "feels your pain," it needs to alleviate some of the problem with a jobs program that produces results. The midterm elections are less than a year away, and there's every indication that when the election is held the employment problem will still be present and that could be problematic for Democrats.

I don't like using the election as a reason and motivation to do something about this problem, the struggles that the unemployed face should be enough on its own to motivate action, but if elections are what it takes to move congress and the administration to do something about this, then I suppose we'll have to settle for that. But given the lags in the process of creating jobs, I'd say six months is optimistic, there's only a month or two left before it will be too late to do anything in time to affect employment before the election. And if it doesn't get done in time to help congress get votes, it's unlikely it will get done at all no matter how bad the problem gets.

One final note. Timidity the first time around -- even if it was driven by political realities -- is part of the problem. With a more aggressive package employment would likely be much improved right now, but unfortunately that's not the policy that was implemented. If the administration puts a jobs program in place that is too reserved and does little to help with employment, that will make its political problems even worse since it will appear that its job policy was largely a failure. If it does move on a jobs program -- as it should -- it needs to be sufficiently aggressive and it needs to target jobs directly. Then we should all cross our fingers, not because of worry over the election (though losing ground would be a big disappointment for Democrats), but in the hopes that jobs will come to households struggling to make ends meet.

[Note: A version of this is also posted at MoneyWatch.]

Reposted byavivao avivao

November 30 2009

Paul Krugman: The Jobs Imperative

It's (past) time for the administration to get serious about creating jobs:

The Jobs Imperative, by Paul Krugman, Commentary, NYTimes: If you’re looking for a job right now, your prospects are terrible. There are six times as many Americans seeking work as there are job openings, and the average duration of unemployment ... is more than six months, the highest level since the 1930s.
You might think, then, that ... the employment situation would be a top policy priority. But now that total financial collapse has been averted, all the urgency seems to have vanished... There’s a pervasive sense in Washington that ... we should just wait for the economic recovery to trickle down to workers.
This is wrong and unacceptable. ... Historically, financial crises have typically been followed ... by anemic recoveries; it’s usually years before unemployment declines to anything like normal levels. And all indications are that ... the latest financial crisis is following the usual script. ...
And the damage from sustained high unemployment will last much longer. The long-term unemployed can lose their skills... Meanwhile, students who graduate into a poor labor market ... pay a price in lower earnings for their whole working lives. Failure to act on unemployment isn’t just cruel, it’s short-sighted.
So it’s time for an emergency jobs program.
How is a jobs program different from a second stimulus? It’s a matter of priorities. The 2009 Obama stimulus bill was focused on restoring economic growth. ... That strategy might have worked if the stimulus had been big enough — but it wasn’t. And as a matter of political reality, it’s hard to see how the administration could pass a second stimulus big enough to make up for the original shortfall.
So our best hope now is for a somewhat cheaper program that generates more jobs for the buck. Such a program should shy away from measures, like general tax cuts, that at best lead only indirectly to job creation... Instead, it should consist of measures that more or less directly save or add jobs.
One such measure would be another round of aid to beleaguered state and local governments... More aid would help avoid ... the elimination of hundreds of thousands of jobs.
Meanwhile, the federal government could provide jobs by ... providing jobs. It’s time for at least a small-scale version of the New Deal’s Works Progress Administration, one that would offer relatively low-paying (but much better than nothing) public-service employment. There would be accusations that the government was creating make-work jobs, but the W.P.A. left many solid achievements in its wake. And the key point is that direct public employment can create a lot of jobs at relatively low cost. ...[T]he Economic Policy Institute, a progressive think tank, argues that spending $40 billion a year for three years on public-service employment would create a million jobs, which sounds about right.
Finally, we can offer businesses direct incentives for employment. It’s probably too late for a job-conserving program... But employers could be encouraged to add workers as the economy expands. The Economic Policy Institute proposes a tax credit for employers who increase their payrolls, which is certainly worth trying.
All of this would cost money, probably several hundred billion dollars, and raise the budget deficit in the short run. But this has to be weighed against the high cost of inaction in the face of a social and economic emergency.
Later this week, President Obama will hold a “jobs summit.” Most of the people I talk to are cynical about the event, and expect the administration to offer no more than symbolic gestures. But it doesn’t have to be that way. Yes, we can create more jobs — and yes, we should.

November 27 2009

"Muddying the Waters on AIG"

John Berry defends the Fed and Treasury's assistance to AIG:

Muddying the waters on AIG, by John M. Berry, Commentary, Reuters: Neil Barofsky, inspector general of the Troubled Asset Relief Program, is making a name for himself with a misleading analysis of actions by the Federal Reserve and Treasury in combating the financial crisis.
A column in the New York Times called Barofsky “one of the few truth tellers in Washington”... Barofsky’s report, which is logically flawed, uses loaded language to create the impression that saving the economy wasn’t the Fed’s goal at all. No, it was all about helping the central bank’s friends on Wall Street.
“Questions have been raised as to whether the Federal Reserve intentionally structured the AIG counterparty payments to benefit AIG counterparties...,” the report says. ... The report duly notes that Fed officials deny a backdoor bailout was their objective. But the next sentence suggests the officials must be lying.
“Irrespective of their stated intent, however, there is no question that the effect of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York’s decisions — indeed the very design of the federal assistance to AIG — was that tens of billions of dollars of Government money was funneled inexorably and directly to AIG’s counterparties.” (Emphasis in the original.)
Well, AIG had sold the counterparties a great many credit default swap contracts covering collateralized debt obligations secured by mortgages. ...AIG owed the counterparties a whole pot full of money which it couldn’t pay.
If AIG was to be kept out of bankruptcy, of course the very design of the federal assistance had to include funneling tens of billions of dollars to the institutions to which it was owed. There was no other way to avoid a bankruptcy that would have affected not just big financial institutions but thousands of municipalities, individual savers and other investors. ...

The report does not offer an alternative way to avoid an AIG bankruptcy, and there wasn’t one. It does, however, suggest the Fed should have used its power as a banking regulator to force the AIG creditors to accept less than full payment of what they were owed.
The report acknowledges that the New York Fed tried to negotiate such a haircut... But the French banking regulator said it would be illegal for the two French institutions involved to take a haircut unless AIG was in formal bankruptcy, and the Fed said it had to treat all the banks the same way.
Nevertheless, Barofsky insists the Fed should have used its authority to force concessions. Unsaid, but implied: The Fed didn’t do that because its goal was to help its Wall Street friends.
Barofsky is getting great press and kudos on Capitol Hill by pandering to the public anger at Wall Street. Pity he’s not really a truth teller at all.

November 10 2009

Counting the Jobs Produced by the Stimulus

Gary Burtless argues that the job creation numbers the administration issued underestimate the true size of the impact:

Counting the Jobs Produced by the Stimulus, by Gary Burtless, Brookings: When the stimulus package was enacted last winter, the Administration said its goal was to create or save 3½ million jobs by the end of next year. How closely has the Administration come to achieving that goal? A couple of weeks ago the White House issued an interim report on jobs directly created or saved as a result of one part of the stimulus package, the grants or contracts directly made by the federal government or indirectly provided through federal aid to state and local governments. The report has been subject to minor carping and major criticism. ...
In essence, the reports distilled by the White House provided evidence from 150,000 anecdotes.  According to the Administration’s summary, the reports offered evidence that 640,000 jobs have been directly created or saved... Jared Bernstein, the Vice President’s chief economist, emphasized that the 640,000 count represents an incomplete tally of the total jobs added or saved as a result of the stimulus package. It ignores, for example, the jobs created or saved as a result of personal tax cuts or hikes in unemployment compensation checks. We cannot collect anecdotes from Walmart, Safeway, or Disney World telling us how many jobs have been produced by higher consumer spending induced by the stimulus package. ... We must rely on elaborate, less transparent data analysis to uncover the indirect effects of the stimulus package. When the indirect effects are included, White House economists estimate that over a million jobs have so far been added or saved as a result of the stimulus.
The Wall Street Journal suggests that the White House estimate of 640,000 jobs directly saved or created may overstate direct job creation by 20,000 positions. Even if the Journal’s estimate is correct, the difference represents less than 2% of the total number of jobs directly or indirectly saved and created by the stimulus. ...
Unless the labor market deteriorates much further, I am pessimistic about the political prospects for another major stimulus package. The Administration’s opponents have been successful in sowing doubts about the wisdom of the last stimulus. ...

In this political environment it is unlikely Congress will pass a major new stimulus package anytime soon. What is more likely - indeed, what is essential - is the continuation of stimulus programs that are currently scheduled to expire.  Last week the House and Senate extended unemployment protection for workers who have lost jobs in the current recession. These protections ought to be extended until the job market improves significantly... If unemployment is likely to remain over 9% for an extended time, there is a compelling case for additional public infrastructure investment. Given high unemployment in the construction and capital goods industries and federal borrowing costs that remain near a post-war low, it makes sense to invest in public capital projects over the next few years. If the federal government does not have adequate plans for such investments, it should start making them soon.

It's going to take quite awhile for the economy to generate enough jobs to return unemployment to normal levels, and more stimulus to help the process along is certainly needed. But I also think that its hard to imagine a major stimulus package getting through Congress. If Washington's interest in helping wanes as the business and the financial sectors begin to recover even though labor markets continue to struggle, then, despite the professed allegiance of many Democrats to the working class, it will tell you that their true allegiance lies elsewhere.

April 16 2009

Play fullscreen
The Tyranny of Oil: The World`s Most Powerful Industry, and What We Must Do to Stop It

Antonia Juhascz associate fellow with the Institute for Policy Studies, a fellow with Oil Change International, and a senior analyst for Foreign Policy In Focus

(Nov 20, 2008 at the University of Chicago. Courtesy of CHIASMOS)

The author of The Bush Agenda: Invading the World, One Economy at a Time (2006), Juhasz has also written extensively on various aspects of globalization. Her articles and commentary on politics and policy have appeared in New York Times, International Herald Tribune, Los Angeles Times, Miami Herald, Petroleum Review Magazine, In These Times, and Washington Post, among other sources.

From the World Beyond the Headlines Series.

© 2008, The University of Chicago

--------------------------------------
by @uchannel: permalink

for more informations go to Antonia Juhasz Website - she gave a lot of interviews, e.g. Democracy Now , The REAL News Network, etc.
Reposted bySigalon Sigalon

April 06 2009

March 27 2009

March 23 2009

March 18 2009

Play fullscreen
Global Health and Development: Prospects in a New Administration

March 12 2009

Play fullscreen
Advice for President Obama: An Economics Panel Discussion

March 10 2009

Play fullscreen
The Best Laid Plans: The Origins of American Multilateralism and the Dawn of the Cold War
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