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May 10 2012

Venezuela: Video ‘Caracas, City of Farewells' Sparks Discussion on Emigration

It took the Venezuelan blogosphere only a matter of days to unleash an avalanche of criticism and mockery on the video documentary “Caracas, Ciudad de Despedidas” (”Caracas, City of Farewells”). The video compiles seventeen minutes of interviews on the experience of emigration in Venezuela and explores the reasons which have driven several of its citizens to join the growing Venezuelan diaspora. The sheer force of the response led to the video's removal from the YouTube channel on which it was initially posted, and resulted in public statements from those behind and those featured in the documentary.

Overall, the video met with a strong wave of harsh criticism, mockery, video responses, remixes [es], parodies [es], caricatures, memes and tweets, with the hashtag, #meiriademasiado [es], an allusion to the comment of one of the subjects in the video, “Yo sí me iría… Me iría demasiado [sic]” (”I would go, I would so go”) becoming a trending topic en Venezuela.

The video did receive some shows of support, albeit very few, which backed up the validity of its ideas, pointing out that behind the tone and the rhetoric (the most criticized aspects of the video), the video had served to stir up a highly sensitive topic within citizen media: emigration due to urban violence.

El brujo [es] points to what, in his opinion, was the main flaw in “Caracas, Ciudad de Despedidas”:

El problema del autocensurado video […] y de sus participantes, radica en la absoluta ajenidad y desconocimiento absoluto de la sociedad a la que dicen pertenecer, emitiendo juicios de valor totalmente sesgados y prejuiciados respecto a asuntos que obviamente conocen por lo que les dicen sus padres …

The problem with this self-censored video […] and its subjects, lies in their absolute alienation from, and ignorance of, the society to which they claim to belong, passing completely biased value judgments and spouting prejudice about issues on which quite obviously their only knowledge comes from what their parents told them.


Meanwhile, Luis, on Panfleto Negro [es] (Black Pamphlet), underlines the main message:

…detrás de todo el mandibuleo [*] y el “me iría demasiado” hay una realidad a la que no queremos dar la cara; Venezuela no ofrece a sus jóvenes ni un presente ni un futuro viable, ofrece más penurias y que todo vaya a peor antes de ir mejor. Hablar de porvenir en un país donde se depende de la salud de una sola persona es casi tan ingenuo como los testimonios de estos chicos.

…Behind all the “mandibuleo” [*] and the “me iría demasiado” (”I would so go”), lies a reality which we do not want to face up to; Venezuela offers its youth neither a viable present nor future, the country offers more hardship and the idea that things have to get worse before they can get better. To speak of the future in a country in which that future depends on the health of a single person is almost as naive as the views expressed by the kids in the video.

[*] In Venezuela, “mandibuleo” is a term used to describe the speech of upper-class youth in Caracas (who are also known as “sifrinos”).

On the other hand, Vanessa [es] opines:

Yo pienso que ellos sí tienen derecho a opinar lo que les dé la gana, así sea mandibuleado y mal redactado. ¿O es que acaso ya en Venezuela estamos tan acostumbrados a la mordaza en la boca que nos escandaliza una opinión distinta a la propia? Se ha formado una especie de dictadura opositora donde, al igual que los chavistas, todos repiten al unísono lo que les mandan a decir los “líderes opositores”. Al que se salga un poquito de la línea, los demás le caen a peinillazos.

I think that they do have a right to express their opinion on whatever they feel like, even if it's “mandibuleado” and poorly-executed. Or is it the case that in Venezuela we are so accustomed to being gagged, that we are scandalised by any opinion different to the one we hold. A kind of opposition dictatorship has sprung up, just like the Chavista one, in which everyone repeats in unison whatever the “leaders of the opposition” tell them to say. Let anyone step the slightest bit out of line, and the others come down on him like a ton of bricks.

Laura Solórzano, en her blog Debilidades y Vicios [es]  (Weaknesses and Vices) points to another fact:

[…] mi preocupación es que muchos de esos “jóvenes del este del este[”] que estudiaron en los mejores colegios y universidades” sigue sin entender el verdadero problema en Venezuela. Que esos chamos de “me iría demasiado” son los hijos de esos venezolanos que hicieron plata y se olvidaron que existía un país y que algún día les tenían que responder.

My concern is that so many of these “east of east[”] youth, who attended the best colleges and universities still don't understand the real problem here in Venezuela. Namely, that these kids with their “I would so go” are the children of those Venezuelans who made a lot of money and forgot about the existence of a country which they would one day have to answer to.

Meanwhile, Mirelis Morales Tovar [es] explains why the video moved her:

Me movió… Si, no lo niego. Quien tiene dos hermanos lejos, otro con un pie aquí y otr[o] allá, así como casi todos sus amig@s a muchas horas de distancia, no puede ser indiferente a lo que se plantea en el video Caracas Ciudad de Despedidas.
Es una realidad. Queramos o no. […] Todos quienes vivimos en esta ciudad tenemos el temor de no regresar a casa y eso no es precisamente una sensación con la que debamos acostumbrarnos.

Pero fomentar la idea de que emigrar se ha vuelto la solución a los problemas que nos agobian en este país es ir creando una generación de desarraigados.[…] Otros países han vivido situaciones similares o peores. Y es el espíritu de su gente lo que les ha permitido salir a flote. [Venezuela] es una nación herida. Herida por su propia gente. Pero también es tierra de gracia, de oportunidades.

It moved me… Yes, I'm not going to deny it. A person with two brothers living far away, and another with one foot at home and the other abroad, and on top of all that, with almost all their friends living several hours away, can't just be indifferent to what was going on in the “Caracas, Ciudad de Despedidas” video. It's a reality. Whether we like it or not. […] Everyone who lives in this city carries this fear of not being able to make it home and this is not a feeling we ought to get used to having.

But to foment this idea of emigration now being the solution to the problems overwhelming us in this country, is to create an entire generation of rootless people […] Other countries have been through similar or worse. And it's the spirit of their people which allowed them to rise above it. [Venezuela] is a wounded nation. Wounded by her own people. But this is also the land of grace, of opportunity.

Asdrúbal [es], for his part, comments:

lo que sinceramente no me gustó [de las opiniones expuestas el video] fue el hacer entender que la responsabilidad de mejorar al país era de «otros» exclusivamente.

What I sincerely disliked [about the views expressed in the video] was the idea that the responsibility for improving the country lay exclusively in the hands of “others”.

Of the participants in the video, Raquel Abend van Dalen, was the first to break her silence. In her blog Merienda en el Espacio [es] (Snacking in Space), which was made private days later, she wrote:

La realidad de Venezuela nos afecta a todos. Tanto a los que viven en ella, como a los que se tuvieron que ir. Y cada quien busca la forma de sobrellevarla y de aportar para un cambio positivo. Yo amo a Caracas, yo a amo Venezuela. Es el país en donde nací y crecí. Venezuela es el espacio que me ha hecho ser quien soy, y que me ha brindado todas las oportunidades para crecer como persona y como ciudadana. Esta situación me ha servido de lección de vida: se vive y se aprende.

The reality in Venezuela affects all of us. It affects those who still live here, just as it does those who had to leave. And everyone is looking for the right way to uplift the country and to bring positive change. I love Caracas, I love Venezuela. It's the country I was born and raised in. Venezuela is the place that has made me who I am, and which has offered me every opportunity to grow as a person and as a citizen. This situation has served as a life lesson for me: you live and you learn.

The youth involved in the documentary published a communique [es] in response to the reaction their video received. In it, they explained their reasons for producing such a video, adding:

Nunca nos imaginamos, esperamos o quisimos este alcance y ahora que lo tenemos no nos lamentamos, porque a pesar de que la forma parezca banal, lo que ahí se expresa sigue siendo la verdad: tenemos miedo por la inseguridad que existe en Caracas y por ello no hemos podido vivir nuestra ciudad como quisiéramos.

We never imagined, hoped or desired it to reach this level, and now that it has, we don't regret it because, although the form might appear banal, what's being expressed remains as true as ever: we are afraid of the insecurity that exists in Caracas and because of it we have not been able to live our lives the way we would have wanted to.

The communique concludes:

Respetamos las opiniones diferentes a las nuestras, agradecemos el apoyo de quienes nos han respaldado e invitamos a todos a mirar más allá de la forma y analizar el fondo, a leer entre líneas y considerar que todos formamos parte de lo mismo aunque seamos diferentes. No es una cuestión de discriminar a un grupo, es de exponer a otro y no es para ofender a nadie, es para compartir lo que algunos sentimos.

We respect opinions different to our own, we are grateful for the support of those who have backed us and we invite everyone to look beyond the form and analyze the substance, to read between the lines and consider that we are all part of the same thing, even though we might be different. It's not a question of discriminating against a group, it's to display another, and there is no intention of offending anybody, this is to express what we feel.

Finally, Leopoldo Tablante [es] reflects on the similarities and the discourse of the upper and lower classes, and on how this mirrors a common spirit which makes living together and social advancement difficult:

Por novatada o por lo que sea, el video parece inspirado por un muy particular espíritu de indolencia ante el proyecto de construcción del bien común. Y sin ese espíritu, ¿qué nos queda?
Por la izquierda o por la derecha (si es que estos clivajes siguen teniendo vigencia), en la urbanización o en el barrio, Venezuela suena en monofónico. Y con ese empaque al vacío, ¿a quién le queda fuelle para pensar en una reconciliación?

Out of naivete or whatever the case may be, the video seems to be inspired by a very particular spirit of indolence, in terms of the project of working on the common good. And without this spirit, what do we have left? Whether on the left or the right (if these cleavages are still relevant), in exclusive housing developments or in the ghetto, the sound of Venezuela is in monophone. And with such an apparent void, who still has breath left in them to think of a reconciliation?

May 09 2012

Colombia: A Visit to the Karmata Rua Indigenous Reserve

Multimedia web channel TodoLoQueHay[es]  (All There Is) from Colombia recently posted a short visual journey in the Emberá-Chamí indigenous reserve previously known as Christendom, whose inhabitants are now trying to make known by its ancestral name instead: Karmata Rua.

At the reserve, located between the towns of Andes and Jardin, recording a short documentary for the channel, Daniel Quintero took the opportunity to capture the short, almost wordless, video:

Estando allí, Daniel Quintero usó su tiempo para apuntar su cámara y capturar colores, actividades y gestos de los habitantes de este resguardo que cuenta alrededor de 150 años de existencia y hoy acoge a cerca de 1600 personas.

 

While there, Daniel Quintero used his time to point his camera and capture colors, activities and  expressions of the inhabitants of this reserve that is around 150 years old and which today welcomes about 1600 people.

May 07 2012

Colombia: Nationwide Demonstrations Mark May 1

As in other countries, Colombia commemorates International Work’s Day  on 1 May. Traditionally [es], the day is celebrated by labor unions and various citizens who march on the streets to demonstrate in favor of labor welfare, social and economic development, and to reject any act that violates human dignity and the quality of life of workers.

This year in Colombia workers in different cities protested against the recently signed free trade agreement with the United Sates, high unemployment, poor salaries compared to the high living costs, outsourcing, and the transfer of the Social Security Institute to Colpensiones. Citizens also protested in favor for the right to life, education, work and health.

Marches in most cities were peaceful, as Frontera Informativa [es] reported about Manizales. But in Bogota and Medellin (where more people protested) demonstrations ended with the intervention of military forces. Several protesters were arrested and others wounded. However, traditional media spent more air time on the day's events abroad [es] than on local protests, while some [es] citizen and “independent” media outlets provided more local coverage.

“Este es El Punto” refers [es] to the origin of the day and questions the date in the United States (September 1). Finally, the blog mentions the President Santos' [es] new decree on home-based employment contracts:

Como nota positiva el presidente santos firmo un decreto para que las empresas empiecen a contratar a sus empleados desde sus casas.

On a positive note, President Santos signed a decree [es] for companies to start hiring employees from their homes.

Carlos Arturo Gamboa, on the blog Tutor Virtual, reflects on employment [es] as slavery and cites a video of Argentine Santiago Bou:

El trabajo hoy, en su gran mayoría, es la marca de que el valor de lo humano es una cifra, de que la dignidad habita en el olvido y lo peor de todo, de que la mayoría de empleados están dispuestos a aceptar los más grandes vejámenes con el fin de sostenerse en su lugar. Es como si los esclavos amaran sus cadenas.

Work today mostly shows that human worth is a figure, that the dignity lives in oblivion and worst of all, most employees are willing to accept the largest vexations to stay in place. It’s as if slaves loved their chains.

In Twitter the phrase “Día del Trabajo” (Labor Day) [es], became a Trending Topic as users referred to the marches, called for dignified work, and discussed other related issues.

Pacho  (@ pachitoelche) [es] talks about the unrest [es] and calls for dignified work:

Marcharon muchos en diferentes ciudades de Colombia también hubo disturbios. Yo marché por millones de personas q no tienen trabajo digno

Many marched in different cities of Colombia also there were also riots. I marched for millions of people that don't have dignified work.

Ivan Martinez (@ OlimacNavi) [es] thinks that the march [es] was affected by communists:

Otra vez los comunistas tirándose la ciudad. Luego dicen que los del ESMAD [Policía anti disturbio] son cerdos que los maltratan. Feliz Día del Trabajo en la cárcel.

Communists again, ruining the city. Then say ESMAD (Mobile Anti-Disturbance Police) are pigs who mistreat you. Happy Labor Day in jail.

Karla Serrano  (‏@KarlaSerrano7) [es] quotes a phrase [es]:

 ”El trabajo endulza la vida; pero no a todos les gustan los dulces.” Richard Hugo”

“Work sweetens life, but not everyone likes candy.” Richard Hugo”

Jesus Blanco (@ Gsusologo) [es] tweeted [ [es] with irony:

Me río yo del trabajo digno…

I laugh at dignified labor…

@ Comolanigua [es] shares two images of the anti-riot police:

En la marcha de #1mayose distribuyeron decenas de papas en la cara del ESMAD

In the May 1 march, potato chips were distributed in the face of ESMAD http://www.flickr.com/photos/21476752 @ N08/6988071524 /, this was their reaction http://www.flickr.com/photos/ 21476752 @ N08/6988073666/in/set-72157629581472990 /

Pueblo Uníos published several videos [es] on their YouTube account. In one video they interview several workers [es] in the march in Medellin. These workers commented on the pension reform, temporary contracts, cooperatives, recognition of indigenous cultures, the free trade agreement with the U.S., and the right to health:

Finally, the blog “Marcha Patiotica” (Patriotic March) shares [es] some grim statistics:

(…) Colombia es hoy el tercer país más desigual del mundo, en el que mientras 30 compañías reportan ingresos operacionales anuales superiores a dos billones de pesos, según cifras oficiales el 43.6% de los trabajadores son informales y el 49.2% del total de ocupados recibe ingresos inferiores al salario mínimo y el nivel de crudeza e injusticia es tal que en puerto Gaitán, lugar donde tiene su principal centro de operaciones Pacific rubiales, empresa que reporta exorbitantes ganancias, los niños mueren de hambre, tendiendo este municipio el mas alto índice de mortalidad infantil del país y como muestra de la persecución sistemática contra la organización de los trabajadores entre el 2011 y lo que va corrido del 2012 han sido asesinados 35 lideres sindicales.

Colombia is now the third most unequal country in the world, where 30 companies reported annual operating earning over two billion dollars, according to official figures 43.6% of workers are informal and 49.2% of the total employed have income below the minimum wage. The level of cruelty and injustice is such that in Puerto Gaitán, where Pacific Rubiales (a company that reported exorbitant profits) has its main operations, children are starving. Furthermore, this municipality has the highest infant mortality rate in the country and as a sign of the systematic persecution against the organization of workers between 2011 and thus far in 2012, 35 union leaders have been killed.

May 05 2012

Brazil Approves Racial Quotas in Higher Education

This post is part of our special coverage Indigenous Rights.

[All links lead to Portuguese language pages except when otherwise noted]

On April 26, 2012, in a plenary session of the Supreme Court of Brazil, the adoption of racial quota policies in higher education institutions across the country was unanimously approved. With this approval, universities, colleges and educational institutions are legally allowed to devote a specific percentage of places for students of African and/or indigenous origin.

The approval of the policy brings up again the controversial debate [en] on racial discrimination and racial inequality in the country, promoting important reflections and divided opinions.

Commemoration of the judgment of the Supreme Court on affirmative action. Photo of Emily Silberstein (CC BY 2.0).

Commemoration of the judgment of the Supreme Court on affirmative action. Photo of Emily Silberstein (CC BY 2.0).

The measure is a reflection of affirmative action policies being constitutional in the country since democratization in 1988. Diana Costa, on her blog, says that the “discriminatory process [that] affects people negatively are marked by stereotypes that consolidate them as socially inferior, incapable, degenerated, etc., allocating them in situations of sub-citizenship and civil risk.”

She also explains what affirmative actions are:

É um conjunto de políticas que compreendem que, na prática, as pessoas não são tratadas igualmente e, consequentemente, não possuem as mesmas oportunidades, o que impede o acesso destas a locais de produção de conhecimento e de negociação de poder.

It is a set of policies  that, in practice, say that people are not treated equally and therefore do not have the same opportunities, preventing them the access to the production of knowledge and power of negotiation.

The blog Religiões Afro Brasileiras e Política (Afro Brazilian Religions and Policy) says that the result of affirmative action policies in the country through the quota system has already shown results of “a notorious growth in the proportion of graduated blacks and pardos [approximate translation: brown, coloured]”, between 1999-2009, according to IBGE data (Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics).

The University of Brasilia (UNB) was the first educational institution to adopt the measure when, in 2004, it started reserving 20% of its university places exclusively for blacks, and some other amount for Indians, without the entry requirement of taking the regular university exam. The Democrats Political Party (DEM) started a lawsuit against UNB in 2009 for considering the racial quota system a kind of racial court (to judge people's race by the colour of their skin). But since UNB adopted the measure, several other higher education institutions also started adopting the quota system.

To make the search process easier, the NGO Educafro provides on its website a complete list of institutions offering quotas for public school students, black students, indigenous students or students with disabilities.

#CotasSim vs. #CotasNao (#YesQuotas vs. #NoQuotas)

Many people celebrated the unanimous approval of the adoption of the quota policy. During the vote, the Supreme Court ministers themselves were very positive about the decision. According to Minister Joaquim Barbosa, the only black among those who voted, “these measures are intended not only to combat manifestations of blatant discrimination, but discrimination in fact, that is absolutely rooted in society, and so ingrained, people do not perceive it”, reported G1.

Photo #YesQuotas from @PriscilaPila on Twitter.

Photo #YesQuotas from @PriscilaPila on Twitter.

Journalist and teacher Jeso Carneiro also celebrated the decision. In his blog, he said that:

O STF (…) honrou sua importante missão de defender a supremacia da Constituição. A decisão da corte máxima do país é uma vitória de toda a sociedade brasileira, especialmente do movimento negro, que, desde a década de 1980, vem defendendo com firmeza a aplicação de ações afirmativas para combater o racismo e a exclusão social dos negros neste país.

The Supreme Court (…) honored its important mission of defending the supremacy of the Constitution. The top court's decision is a victory for the Brazilian society, especially the black movement, that since the 1980s, has advocated strongly in the use of affirmative action to combat racism and social exclusion of blacks in this country.

On Twitter, through the hashtag #CotasSim, statements of support were intense.

Musician Sany Pitbull (‏@SanyPitbull) wrote:

A elite Branca brasileira tem uma divida à ser paga aos negros, aos pobres, aos índios e aos nordestinos desse país #cotassim

The Brazilian white elite has a debt to pay to black people, the poor, the Indians and northeastern in this country #yesquotas

Blogger and historian Conceição Oliveira ‏ (@maria_fro) added:

Cotas não inventa a racialização bando de hipócritas, a racialização já existe em um país racista que segrega jovens negros #CotasSim

The quotas did not invent racism [you] bunch of hypocrites, the racism already exists in a racist country that segregates young blacks #YesQuotas

However, not everyone agrees with the decision of the Supreme Court. Videoblogger Daniel Fraga argues in this video that in a country such as Brazil, where racial mixing is very high, it would be difficult to correctly define who really is black or white. This decision would be made ​​based on a “visual criteria,” and mentions UNB's case of two twin brothers, one considered white and the other black, the latter gaining a quota place at the university.

Others argue that the quotas would only be an easy way out for the poor public primary and secondary education system, a claim refuted in an article published by the Federal University of Minas Gerais, which says that “it is a big mistake to think that in the field of democratic public policies, advances are produced by sequential steps: first, improve basic education, and then democratize the university. Both challenges are urgent and need to be taken emphatically and simultaneously.”

The approval also generated racist statements. On April 29, a shop in front of the Federal University of Minas Gerais (UFMG) had a wall spray-painted with the words: “UFMG will turn black.”

Blog Brasil Escola explains the importance of a better understanding of racism in Brazil for understanding affirmative action policies in the country:

(…) a miscigenação não exclui os preconceitos. Nossa última constituição coloca a discriminação racial como um crime inafiançável. Entre nossas discussões proferimos, ao mesmo tempo, horror ao racismo e admitimos publicamente que o Brasil é um país racista. Tal contradição indica que nosso racismo é velado e, nem por isso, pulsante. Queremos ter um discurso sobre o negro, mas não vemos a urgência de algum tipo de mobilização a favor da resolução desse problema. Ultimamente, os sistemas de cotas e a criação de um ministério voltado para essa única questão demonstram o tamanho do nosso problema. Ainda aceitamos distinguir o negro do moreno, em uma aquarela de tons onde o último ocupa uma situação melhor que a do primeiro. Desta maneira, criamos a estranha situação onde “todos os outros podem ser racistas, menos eu… é claro!”. Isso nos indica que o alcance da democracia é um assunto tão difícil e complexo como a nossa relação com o negro no Brasil.

(…) racial mixing does not exclude prejudice. Our Constitution places racial discrimination as a non-bailable crime. From our discussions, we utter, at the same time, a horror of racism and admit publicly that Brazil is a racist country. This contradiction shows that our racism is veiled and, nevertheless, pulsating. We want to make a speech about the black, but do not see the urgency of some kind of mobilization for the resolution of this problem. Lately, quota systems and the creation of a single ministry to this issue shows the size of our problem. We still accept distinguish the black from the moreno [brown], in a scale of watercolour tones where the latter occupies a better situation than the prior one. Thus, we created the odd situation where “all others can be racist, except me, of course…”. This tells us that the scope of democracy is a subject as difficult and complex as our relationship with black people in Brazil.

The discussion will continue in the coming weeks since, besides this action, the Supreme Court is yet to decide the constitutionality of racial quotas when applied to a student who attended public school. It is worth noting that quotas are not mandatory - every educational institution may choose to adopt the policy or not. The University of São Paulo (USP), the largest higher education institution in Brazil, for example, does not use it.

This post is part of our special coverage Indigenous Rights.

This article was written in collaboration with Debora Baldelli.

May 04 2012

Colombia: Telework Law or Microsoft Law?

lncognito wonders what is behind [es] the ‘telework law' (Decreto 884 de 2012 [es], which regulates the Ley 1228 de 2008 [es]), signed by President Juan Manuel Santos at the headquarters of Microsoft Colombia [es], and whose official website [es] seems to be sponsored by the Labour Ministry and the American company: “Interestingly, while most developing countries bet on free software, in this colony, sorry, Colombia, ICT and labour laws are signed by Microsoft.”

Uruguay: Twitter and Politics

Gabriel Budiño blogs [es] about recent articles that look at how politicians in Uruguay are using Twitter. One article calls Twitter “the next political trench”, while the other says that politics is not compatible with Twitter's 140 characters.

Mexico: Netizens and Journalists React to the Murder of Regina Martínez

[All links lead to sites in Spanish, unless otherwise stated.]

The body of journalist and correspondent Regina Martínez, from the weekly investigative news magazine Proceso, was found in her home in Xalapa, Veracruz, Mexico, on April 28. According to an initial statement released by the local government, her body showed signs of heavy blows to the face and body, with the apparent cause of death being asphyxiation by strangulation.

Later the Governor of Veracruz issued a statement including instructions to the Attorney General's Office and offering his condolences to the Martínez family:

Desde que tuvo conocimiento de este penoso suceso, el Gobernador del estado ha estado en contacto permanente con el procurador General de Justicia, Felipe Amadeo Flores Espinosa, a quien instruyó integrar un grupo especial de investigadores para aclarar la muerte de la periodista.

El mandatario veracruzano expresó sus condolencias a la familia de la comunicadora, a quienes dará todo el apoyo y respaldo que requieran en este momento tan difícil por el que atraviesan.

Since he became aware of this awful crime, the Governor has been in constant contact with the Attorney General Philip Amadeo Flores Espinosa, who has been ordered to draw up a panel of researchers to investigate the death of the journalist.

The Governor of Veracruz expressed his condolences to the journalist's family, who will have the government's full support through this difficult period.

The violence that has claimed the life of the journalist has been at the root of numerous reactions of condemnation and protest from the journalists' union and the general public.

Katya Albiter from Vivir México said the following regarding Regina Martínez's death:

Una muesca más en la vergonzosa pared de periodistas caídos. Una voz más que se calla con violencia. Más reclamo, más repudio, más indignación, más rabia, más impotencia. Porque los queremos vivos, ¡vivos, carajo! Porque informar no debe ser una condena de muerte. Porque dar la vida es dar mucho, muchísimo, ante un país que no mejora y pronto olvida.

Another shameful mark on the wall of journalists killed. Another voice that has been silenced through violence. More complaints, more condemnation, more indignation, more anger, more powerlessness. Because we want them alive. Alive, dammit! Because reporting should not be a death sentence. Because to let someone live means a lot, so much, in a country that is not getting any better and soon forgets.

The text in which the journalist Lydia Cacho described her late colleague was posted on the blog Mujeres por la Democracia:

Regina Martínez era más bien tímida, siempre cargaba su grabadora, una libreta con pluma negra y de vez en vez se acomodaba los lentes como un tic cuando estaba muy concentrada en entrevista. Durante años fue corresponsal de La Jornada en Veracruz y como todas las reporteras y reporteros del País trabajaba también para medios locales para poder subsistir. La última década, hasta antier, fue corresponsal de la Revista Proceso. Hasta antier que apareció asesinada en su casa, severamente golpeada. No quiero imaginarme cómo murió, espero que podamos averiguarlo para conocer a los culpables. Regina no hubiera imaginado nada, hubiese buscado la evidencia, las pistas, perseguido a todas las fuentes para contrastar la información. Con discreción y ética hubiese trabajado hasta hallar las piezas del rompecabezas que llevan a la verdad. Así debemos hacerlo sus compañeras, sus compañeros indignados frente a este asesinato.

Regina Martínez was rather shy, always carrying her tape recorder, a notebook with a black pen, and from time to time adjusting her glasses like a habit when she was concentrating on an interview. For years she was a correspondent for La Jornada in Veracruz, and like all other reporters in the country she also worked for local media in order to survive. For the last decade, until the day before yesterday, she was a correspondent for Proceso magazine. Until the day before yesterday, when she was found murdered in her home, severely beaten. I don't want to imagine how she died, but I hope we can work it out so we can find those responsible. Regina wouldn't have made anything up; she would have searched for evidence and clues, and followed all sources to verify any information. She would have worked discretely and ethically to put together all the pieces of the puzzle that led to the truth. We, her colleagues, should do the same. We are outraged at this murder.

"Not one more lie. Regina Mártinez. Justice." Photo by Adri Lagunes on Flickr (CC BY-NC 2.0)

Desde Abajo, meanwhile, posted a comment from Soledad Jarquin, in which she suggests that the journalist's murder threatens freedom of speech, while also linking it to the war [en] against organised crime that has been taken up by the administration:

El pasado fin de semana volvió a pasar lo que no queremos que pase en este país ni en ninguna otra parte del mundo. El asesinato de la periodista Regina Martínez, corresponsal de la revista Proceso en la ciudad de Xalapa, Veracruz, es otro intento por amordazar la libertad de expresión y por callar la verdad que trastoca casi siempre intereses económicos y políticos relacionados o no con la delincuencia.

En un estado de guerra como el que vivimos en México, ejercer la profesión del periodismo se ha convertido en una de las actividades más peligrosas y el asesinato de Regina Martínez nos ha vuelto a recordar ese terreno nada seguro sobre el que se está parado y nos recuerda también lo que se advirtió desde hace casi cinco años cuando Felipe Calderón decidió iniciar una guerra que se advertía peligrosa para la ciudadanía y en especial para aquellas y aquellos periodistas que investigan y descubren verdades incómodas para los grupos o mafias en el poder.

Last weekend that awful thing, something that we don't want to happen in this country or anywhere else in the world, happened again. The murder of journalist Regina Martínez, correspondent for Proceso magazine in Xalapa, Veracruz, is another attempt to stifle freedom of speech and hide the truth, the truth which often disrupts economic and political interests whether they are related to crime or not.

A state of war like the one in which we live in Mexico makes journalism one of the most dangerous professions, and the murder of Regina Martínez has once again reminded us all that even those things that are standing are not certain. It is also a reminder of the warning from almost five years ago when Felipe Calderón decided to wage a war that was dangerous for the people, and especially dangerous for those journalists who investigate and discover uncomfortable truths about the groups or mafias in power.

On Twitter, Jenaro Villamil (@jenarovillamil) condemned the killing and took advantage of the opportunity to refer to Roger Waters' concert in Mexico City:

#ReginaMartínez. No a los cerdos asesinos, como canto Roger Waters ayer. Derrumbemos El Muro. http://yfrog.com/hsh2auej

#ReginaMartínez. No to the bloody murderers, as Roger Waters sang yesterday. We will tear down The Wall. http://yfrog.com/hsh2auej

Regina Martínez's fellow journalist Álvaro Delgado (@alvaro_delgado) expressed the demands of his publishing house to the authorities:

Los miembros de la @revistaproceso exigimos a @FelipeCalderon y a @Javier_Duarte que el brutal crimen de #ReginaMartinez no quede impune.

The members of @revistaproceso demand that @FelipeCalderon and @Javier_Duarte [governor of Veracruz] ensure that the brutal murder of #ReginaMartinez does not go unpunished.

Criminal lawyer Ulrich Richter (@UlrichRichterM) showed his support for this demand:

@alvaro_delgado @revistaproceso @felipecalderon @javier_duarte y también los ciudadanos exigimos No mas asesinatos a periodistas.

@alvaro_delgado @revistaproceso @felipecalderon @javier_duarte and the citizens demand that no more journalists be murdered.

Meanwhile Darío Ramírez (@expresate33) provided statistical data on deaths of jounalists during the current presidential term:

El promedio de asesinatos de periodistas en México desde el 2006 es de 9 al año. En ningún país “en paz” existe algo semejante.

The average number of journalists killed each year in Mexico since 2006 is 9. There is nothing similar in any country that is “at peace”.

There is a consensus in the condemnation of the murder of journalist Regina Martínez, and the community is looking to the authorities not only in search of answers but also results, which will prevent journalistic voices being silenced in a violent and definitive way, thus damaging freedom of speech, the right to inform, the right to investigate and the individual's right to receive information.

Brazil: Blogging Carnival on the New Forestry Code

Global Voices in Portuguese launched today, May 4, a blogging carnival [pt] about the new Forestry Code, recently approved by the Brazilian Senate. While some claim that agribusiness is hindered by the existing Code and Brazil is missing out on opportunities for economic development, environmental activists demand for a “zero deforestation” bill.

May 03 2012

Guatemala: Community Leader Dies in Clashes in Santa Cruz Barillas

The blog Asamblea Departamental por la Defensa del Territorio- Huehuetenango [es] published an urgent statement about the death of Santa Cruz Barillas community leader Andrés Francisco Miguel and attacks on other community leaders who oppose the construction of a hydroelectric dam. Today, May 3, the BBC reports: “The Guatemalan government has declared a state of siege in the town of Santa Cruz Barillas following clashes over the death of a community leader.”

May 02 2012

Honduras: “Too much violence to keep track of”

Adrienne Pine explains that, “since the bold repossession of lands by thousands of campesinos around Honduras on the International Day of Peasant Struggle, there have been increasingly worrisome retaliations, so frequent that I can't keep track of them.” She reports on some of these cases and on other types of violence in Honduras, including attacks on journalists. Adrienne also links to several articles on these issues.

Panama Commemorates May 1 with Protests and Work

The old-age dilemma of whether or not to rest on Labour Day is no different for Panamanians. This year, the Panamanian government decided to change the date of this public holiday and give the people the day off on Monday, April 30, instead of the traditional day, May 1. The reason for this change in date was to grant the people a long weekend as well as to encourage tourism within the country. The Panamanian newspaper, El Panamá América [es] writes:

Un comunicado de la Presidencia, señala que la oportunidad es propicia para que se traslade el día de descanso y se favorezca el desarrollo del turismo interno a nivel nacional y la convivencia familiar.

A press release from the Presidency points out that the opportunity to move this day of rest is propitious. It encourages the development of local tourism at a national level as well as family time.

Several labour unions were outraged because they consider the date to be a symbol of their rights, earned by the working class throughout history. Kaos en la red[es] indicates that the change of the date is seen as an insult by many:

Como un insulto y una burla a la clase obrera, se interpreta la imposición del lunes 30 de abril como día puente por el 1º de Mayo.

At Work; Guadalupe, Cerro Punta, Chiriquí, Panamá. Image courtesy Lon&Queta on Flickr (CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)

We see the imposition of the change of the date of Labour Day from May 1 to April 30 as a joke and an insult to the working class.

Nevertheless, the various labour unions decided they would still carry out the marches and activities that they had planned, explained La opinión Panamá [es]:

Los dirigentes sindicalistas manifestaron que pese al día puente decretado por el Gobierno, realizarán hoy martes las distintas actividades.

The leaders of labour unions express their regret over the the change in date of the public holiday ordered by the Government, but they will still carry out their various activities today, Tuesday May 1.

Uniradioinforma [es] reports that the march became quite forceful, with signs that protest corruption as well as the high cost of living:

“Abajo el alto costo de la vida”, “La corrupción mata”, “Ni corruptos ni coimeros”, se leía en las pancartas que portaban los trabajadores, en alusión a un reciente escándalo de presunto pago de sobornos al presidente Ricardo Martinelli.

“Lower the cost of living, “Corruption kills”, “No more Corruption and No more Bribes” read the placards that were carried by workers. The slogans are in light of a recent scandal where bribery money was allegedly paid to president Ricardo Martinelli.

Netizens also participated in the celebration of Labour Day. Sthaisy Smith (@Staisy09) [es] considers it madness to have to work on a day that commemorates labour:

Y ahora el 1 de mayo a trabajar q loco esta Panamá!!!

Now we have to work on May 1, how crazy is Panama!!!

Leilani Gonzalez (@Le1lani) [es] on the other hand sees it as something logical:

Día del Trabajo, trabajando como una trabajadora!!! #Panamá

Labour Day, working as a labourer should!!! #Panamá

Agenda 507 (@agenda507) [es] wants to call attention to the fact that Labour Day is for everyone and not only for the groups of labour unions that went out to march on May 1:

#FelizDiadelTrabajador ¡El 1 Mayo es de todos! No exclusivo de un grupo, es tmbn de quienes trabajan en casa, ofi, calle, salud, campo y +

#FelizDiadelTrabajador May 1 is for everyone! It's not exclusively for one group, it is also for those who work at home, in offices, on the street, in health care, in the country etc.

It was in this way that May 1 was celebrated in Panama; some persons with slogans and others gratefully turning up at work, their opinions clearly coinciding with that of Tito Herrera (@TitoHerrera) [es]:

La mejor manera de celebrar el día del trabajo es… TRABAJANDO! Saludos a todos, Feliz día, sigamos trabajando por un mejor Panamá!

The best way to celebrate Labour Day is… WORKING! Regards to all, have a good day, we must continue working towards a better Panama!

Global Voices Podcast: Food for Thought, Food to Eat

Global Voices Podcast HomepageSubscribe in iTunes

Hello World!

Welcome to another edition of the Global Voices Podcast.

In this edition we explore the latest work and events in the Global Voices community. We also speak with some friends about the cross cultural elements of our lives, with a special focus on food: both food for thought, and to eat!

Silvia Vinas

Silvia Vinas


First up, Silvia Viñas our Latin America regional editor, has been finding out more about translation on the Web. Intercontinental Cry is is a grassroots journal for the global indigenous movement, providing news, videos, petitions, commentary and action alerts. The site recently launched in Spanish, so Silvia had a chat with Editor and Publisher John Ahniwanika Schertow, about spreading the news in a different language.

New Rising Voices grantees

Rising Voices

Rising Voices

Last month we announced, six new Rising Voices grantees from Guatemala, United States, Paraguay, Palestine, Peru and Myanmar. These new project have joined our global community will each receive microgrants to help get their ideas off the ground. Congratulations to all of the grantees!

Beatrice Catanzaro is a visual artist and one of the newest additions to the Rising Voices community with her project, Food Tales from Nablus. Alongside her friend Fatima she is working with women from the heart of the Old City in the city of Nablus, Palestine, to celebrate their culinary skills. One of the major components of their project will be the creation a cooking school for foreign visitors that will employ local women as chefs and instructors. We speak with these two amazing ladies to find out more about their work.

Food across borders

If there’s one thing we like to share together at Global Voices - as well as news and stories - it has to be food. This July 2-3, we will be at the Global Voices Summit 2012 in Nairobi, Kenya, and it will be a pleasure to meet, discuss and eat with colleagues from around the world.

Gustavo Arellano, editor of the OC Weekly in Orange County, California and the writer behind ‘Ask a Mexican‘, has been on a culinary journey to find out how Mexican food has become so popular in the United States in his new book, Taco USA. Journalist, producer and blogger, Cyrus Farivar chats with Gustavo about the flavours that cross borders.

Mexican food sign in San Francisco

Mexican Food on 1806 Haight St in San Francisco, California. Photo by Rupert Ganzer on flickr (CC BY-ND 2.0)

We hope you enjoyed this edition of the podcast. As ever a huge thank you goes to all of our contributors and interviewees, and especially to Yazan for being great company and a brilliant co-presenter. Whether it is food for thought or something to eat, the Global Voices community always has it covered.

The Global Voices Podcast, the world is talking, we hope you’re listening!

Music credits

In the podcast you can hear lots of lovely Creative Commons music. Thanks to Mark Cotton for his fantastic creations and thanks also to all of the wonderful voice over performances and clips that help to glue the podcast together.

Global Voices Podcast HomepageSubscribe in iTunes

Mexico: Blogger Starts Open Letter Initiative to Address Presidential Candidates

Global Voices contributor [es] and blogger Juan Tadeo has started a nonpartisan initiative to encourage other bloggers and citizens to write open letters to Mexican presidential candidates. He has written his own open letters to Josefina Vázquez Mota [es] and Gabriel Quadri [es], and will soon publish his letters addressing the remaining candidates. You can follow the initiative through the hashtag #CartaAbierta [es] (Open letter).

May 01 2012

Mexico: Bike Ride Protest Clashes with Local Government

On April 28, 2012, a group of cyclists, among them a civic organisation named Bicitekas [es], organised a bike ride which would depart from the emblematic ‘Angel of Independence' in the heart of Mexico City, heading towards the so-called ‘Supervía Poniente‘ (Poniente Super-road) [es] in protest at the construction of the latter. At some point along the way, local police detained a group of six cyclists, according to Mónica Tapia A. [es] (@monicatapiaa):

¿Están siguiendo #fleshandconcrete ? Detuvieron y golpearon a 6 ciclistas @BernardoPadron@Karkarkarrr por subir a #2dopiso#supervia

Are you following #fleshandconcrete? Six cyclists  @BernardoPadron@Karkarkarrr were detained and beaten for going up to the second level of the super-road #2dopiso#supervia

The ‘Supervía Poniente' is a project led by the left-wing government of Marcelo Ebrard [es], leader of the Federal District Government. The road aim is to link the south of the city with the area of transnational corporations located to the west of the city in a district known as Santa Fé.

Image of the dispute with the local police. Taken by @alconsumidor

Santa Fé has witnessed a rapid growth in its floating population, and it is for this reason that it has become a real ordeal for those who work there to drive to work everyday due to high levels of traffic. The 'Supervía Poniente' aims to be a solution to this problem, but it has attracted criticism from activists who argue that the works will have a serious environmental impact. The bike ride which took place on Saturday, April 28, was just one of the protests against the construction of the road which have been carried out.

However, according to statements from witnesses which have been posted on Twitter, the police were seen clashing with cyclists. Jorge A. G. Matalí [es] (@elMatali) reported:

Se tratan de llevar a uno para intimidarnos a todos#fleshandconcretehttp://instagr.am/p/J-u0DrPz5I/

They're trying to arrest a cyclist to intimidate the rest of us #fleshandconcretehttp://instagr.am/p/J-u0DrPz5I/

The organisation Bicitekas [es] (@Bicitekas) wrote:

Nuestra rodada es pacífica, ejercemos nuestro derecho a circular. #FleshAndConcrete#CarneyConcreto#Bici

Our bike ride is peaceful, we are exercising our right to circulate in the city. #FleshAndConcrete#CarneyConcreto#Bici

According to Daniel Gershenson [es] (@alconsumidor), the police made threats:

Después de la melée (donde un policía incluso amenazó con “llamar a granaderos”), prosigue Rodada #FleshandConcrete hacia L Cabrera [Avenida al sur de la ciudad de México]

After the melée (in which a policeman even threatened to “call the riot police”), the #FleshandConcrete bike ride continues towards L Cabrera [Avenue to the south of Mexico City]

Jordy M.Y. [es](@jordy_my) reported being taken to an office of the Public Ministry:

Después de un altercado que terminó en agresión de la policía de tránsito, estamos en la agencia 45 de Álvaro Obregón. #fleshandconcrete

Following a dispute which ended in an aggression by the traffic police, we are at office 45 in Álvaro Obregón. #fleshandconcrete

Image of the construction of the Supervía, María Teresa Adalid (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)

This fact angered some Twitter users, who question the coherence of a government which “promotes” the use of bicycles, as Juan Pueblo [es] (@ElcondeGiovanni) points out:

Congruencia y sentido común,se estimula uso de bicicleta en DF,pero no es correcto pedalear en vías rápidas y 2dos pisos #FleshandConcrete

Coherence and common sense, the use of bicycles in Mexico City is promoted, but it's not permitted to pedal in fast lanes and on second levels #FleshandConcrete

For Kar (@Karkarkarrr) the police actions are negative:

Tanta represión por parte del gobierno de@m_ebrard es asquerosa e injusta. ¿Qué daño causamos? ¿Por qué detenernos?#fleshandconcrete

Such repression from @m_ebrard's government is disgusting and unjust. What harm are we doing? Why detain us?#fleshandconcrete

The capital's government has not yet made a statement on the issue, and its head of government Marcelo Ebrard [es] (@m_ebrard) seems unworried when he tweets:

Las quinceañeras 2012 en el Auditorio Nacional , son 347

Fifteenth-birthday celebrations 2012 in the National Auditorium, 347 participants

These events will continue to provoke discussion, especially considering that the campaign for leadership of the capital's government was due to be launched just a few hours after the clash.

Colombia: French Journalist Roméo Langlois Kidnapped

French Foreign Minister Alain Juppe said on Sunday April 29 [es] that French journalist Roméo Langlois was kidnapped by the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) during clashes [es] on April 28 with the counter-narcotics battalion. The journalist was accompanying the military to make a documentary. Neither the government nor the Colombian rebel group have confirmed the kidnapping, which has generated solidarity, bewilderment and criticism on Twitter [es] due to the ambiguity in the information.

April 30 2012

Argentina: The ‘Mothers of Plaza de Mayo' Turn 35

Lillie Langtry from the blog Memory in Latin America writes about the 35th anniversary of the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo in Argentina: “On Thursday, 30 April 1977, a small group of women met in the Plaza de Mayo with the aim of handing over a letter to then-president Jorge Videla, appealing for information about the whereabouts of their children, detained by the military regime.”

Colombia: 12-Year-Old Boy Bullied at School Dies

On Tuesday April 24, 2012, John Alexander Larrahondo, age 12, died over a week after three of his classmates reportedly beat him because he had defended a 9-year-old girl from their class. The incident happened at the Los Gómez School [es], located in the rural area of Itagüí, a municipality of the Antioquia department near Medellín.

Although forensics ruled [es] the cause of death was a bone condition, his mother [es] and some physicians [es] rejected the ruling and claim bullying was the ultimate cause of the boy's death.

The Attorney General's Office opened [es] an investigation, and the Justice Minister stated [es] that bullying is “unacceptable” and must be fought by the competent authorities (namely, the Ministries of Education and Justice, the Colombian Institute of Family Welfare, and the Attorney General's Office). Meanwhile, Green Party Senator Gilma Jiménez said [es] she will bring the issue to Congress.

On Twitter, @mariaramitas writes (1, 2) [es]:

El problema de los chinos de ahora es que ven el matoneo como simple mamadera de gallo. Y los profesores no es que hagan mucho tampoco. Y si lo del matoneo sigue así, no demoran dos culicagados y agarrar el colegio a bala a lo Columbine. Pilas profesores.

The problem with today's kids is that they see bullying as if it were just joking around. And teachers don't do much either. And if the bullying thing keeps going on like this, soon two boys will shoot up a school with bullets like in Columbine. Attention, teachers.

With sorrow, Juan Gonzalo Benítez (@juanbenitez1973) tweets [es]:

Triste, indignado… un niño de 12 años murio por una paliza. Lo mataron a patadas porque “puso la queja” de que agredieron a otra niña

Sad, outraged… a 12 year old boy died because of a beating. He was kicked to death because he “complained” that another girl was attacked

María Isabel Ángel (@MaisAngel) shows [es] her pessimism:

A mí lo de la muerte del niño por matoneo en Itagüí me quita aún más la fe en la humanidad. Queda uno desmoralizado

The child's death due to bullying in Itagüí further takes my faith in humanity away from me. I'm left demoralized.

Lina Rouge (@linarouge) reacts [es] to the forensic's ruling:

Bueno espero que ahora que se sabe que el niño no murió por los golpes, no nos hagamos los bobos con el asunto del “matoneo” en los colegios

Well, I hope that now that we know the kid didn't die because he was beaten, we don't play dumb with the ‘bullying' issue at schools.

Journalist Víctor Solano (@solano) posted several tweets about the issue (1, 2, 3, 4), [es] and later elaborated in his column [es] for the Colombian version of the free daily Metro newspaper [es]:

Anoche creo que a varios se nos escurrieron las lágrimas con la nota del niño asesinado por sus compañeros de clase por defender a una niña. Y eso que la nota no fue amarillista; simplemente mostró que nuestra sociedad está incubando una generación movida por el odio. […] Nuestra sociedad perdió los lacrimales por agotamiento; nos secamos cuando la violencia se volvió paisaje y la indolencia nos gobernó. La muerte de ese niño nos comprueba que tocamos fondo, pero aún así seguimos cavando como esperando encontrar lo peor de nosotros.

Last night I think some of us cried with the report of the child killed by his classmates for defending a girl. The report wasn't even sensationalistic; it simply showed that our society is incubating a generation moved by hatred. […] Our society lost its lacrimal [glands] out of exhaustion; we dried up when violence became a landscape and indolence ruled us. The death of that child proves we've hit the bottom, but even so we're still digging as if we wished to find the worst of us.

Carolina Ruiz (@CaroRuizG) writes [es] claiming she was left speechless, while @lncognito tweets [es] that the problem must be solved through education and not with repression.

In the blogosphere, colombiaopina writes [es] about the responsibility of parents, teachers, and the State, and asks for laws to be reviewed:

Urge entonces una revisión e integración de las normas que tienen que ver con las conductas delictivas de infantes y adolescentes, haciendo más drásticas las medidas cautelares en desarrollo de la implementación del Sistema de Responsabilidad Penal de niños y adolescentes de que trata el Decreto 4652 de 2006.

Both a revision and the integration of the norms dealing with the crimes committed by children and teenagers are urgent, making the protective measures more drastic in the development of the implementation of the System of Criminal Responsibility for children and teenagers enacted by Decree 4652, 2006.

Jaime Andrés Jaramillo Botero, at Ojo en lupa, writes [es]:

Pero el control y la observancia, como dijo Fajardo, deben partir de nosotros como padres, responsables del futuro de nuestros hijos; y de la Escuela, como el aparato ideológico por excelencia, al cual le confiamos la educación de nuestra descendencia.

But control and observance, as [Antioquia governor Sergio] Fajardo said, must come from us as parents, responsible for the future of our children, and from the school, as the quintessential ideological machine, to which we entrust the education of our descendants.

Finally, Wilmar Mejía criticizes [es] the Itagüí municipality and the media for focusing on the incident without reporting the context of the rural school and the situation of the teachers in the area:

El matoneo entre los escolares implicados es objeto de noticia, pero nada se comenta porque no hay interés en hacerlo, acerca de la historia reciente de la Institución Educativa, de sus procesos académicos y administrativos, del déficit de oportunidades de recreación, cultura, deportes o de continuidad en el ciclo de formación técnica, tecnológica o profesional, para los niños y jóvenes que residen en las veredas.

The bullying between the involved students is news, but no one says anything because there's no interest, about the school's recent history, its administrative and academic processes, the lack of opportunities for recreation, culture, sports or continuity in the cycle for technical, technological or professional formation for the children and teens who live in the towns.

April 27 2012

Bolivia: TIPNIS Indigenous March Again

Over 500 members from Bolivian Indigenous organisations gathered in Trinidad, approximately 600 kilometres from La Paz, and began on April 27, 2012, at 8 pm (GMT) a march to Bolivia's Seat of Government for the second time. They are opposing Bolivia's governmental plan to built a road that would cut off right through the middle the Indigenous Territory and National Park Isiboro Sécure (TIPNIS for its initials in Spanish). Real-time reporting is available on Fundación Tierra website [es] and also the hashtag #TIPNIS on Twitter.

April 26 2012

Cuba: Bloggers Summit in Matanzas

The bloggers from La Joven Cuba [es] have organized a Summit of Cuban Bloggers [es] that will take place April 27th and 28th in Matanzas. Follow the conversation on Twitter under #BlogazoxCuba (@BlogazoxCuba).

Puerto Rico: 30 years of the Organization of the Working Woman

In 80 Grados, Carla Minet interviews feminist activists Josie Pantojas and Marta Elsa Fernández on occasion of the 30th anniversary of the important Organización Puertorriqueña de la Mujer Trabajadora (Puerto Rican Organization of the Working Woman-OPMT).

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