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Abbrev:..oAnth.....Motto:...'Nothing to Hide'.#25c3/#CCC.:.. Den Nachgeborenen ein
gemahnendes Vorbild & zur bleibenden Erinnerung - Loc: München (Munich - Germany).
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Start of active postings on this Tumblelog Diary [microblogging -- WP] on Jan 2009,
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May 10 2012
Bahamas: Power of the People
“It no longer feels like hatred for me when the PLP wins, it no longer feels like time to panic”: A reflection on the country's recent elections, from Womanish Words.
Europe: Economic Crisis Fuels Rise in Anti-Immigration Politics
The French presidential election may be over, but the fact that outgoing president Nicolas Sarkozy chose immigration as a core theme of his campaign [fr] is still the subject of much debate on the Web. Many netizens have wondered whether his choice to flirt with the far-right wing of his electorate helped temper his defeat or whether, on the contrary, it was one of the reasons his electorate deserted him [fr].
Given the apparent waning appetite of European voters for multiculturalism, singling out immigration as the root of the global economic crisis has proven fruitful for far-right parties across the continent.
African refugees by Vito Manzari on Flickr (CC BY 2.0)
If this rhetoric sounds familiar, it's because it has affected the old continent, when in times of crisis, in a cyclical pattern for centuries. Valérie, on her blog 'Crêpe Georgette', recounted the chronology of perceptions on immigration in France [fr] from the first half of the 19th century until today:
S’il est une idée en vogue, c’est bien de penser que les anciennes vagues d’immigration (italiennes, polonaises, espagnoles, belges …) se sont parfaitement intégrées au contraire des vagues, plus récentes, maghrébines et africaines.
Les anciennes vagues d’immigrés étaient travailleuses, ne posaient aucun problème et les français les ont d’ailleurs parfaitement acceptées, entend-on souvent.
Constatons donc que les propos actuels sur les immigrés les plus récents ne sont qu’une répétition d’idées reçues anciennes et qui se sont exercées à l’encontre de toutes les communautés migrantes (qu’elles viennent de province ou de pays étrangers).
We often hear “the former immigration waves were related to labour, did not cause any issue, and were indeed perfectly accepted by the French.”
Let us then recognise that current comments on the most recent immigration waves are the mere reiteration of old stereotypes which all migrant communities have faced (whether they originated from the countryside or from foreign countries).
Valérie drew a parallel between allegations that Italian and Spanish immigrants did not and could not be integrated, and those against today's immigrants from Eastern Europe and Africa:
Toutes les populations d’immigrés – mais aussi les populations pauvres de manière générale – sont vues au cours des siècles comme sales, non intégrées, se vautrant dans la luxure et des coutumes exotiques. Ce qu’on entend à l’heure actuelle sur les quartiers « islamisés », « envahis » de femmes en burqa avec 10 enfants n’est que la répétition, comme vous le constatez, de propos tenus sur toutes les vagues d’immigration précédentes. L’italien lui aussi fait une cuisine infâme, trop d’enfants et se vêt d’oripeaux. Le polonais se ridiculise avec son catholicisme particulier et à se tenir debout pendant la messe alors que le bon français est assis.
Economic downturn not the only reason
Nevertheless, the economic downturn alone cannot explain the attractiveness of anti-immigration arguments. In an editorial on the future of multiculturalism in France, Julie Owono highlighted that:
The reason for the growing worry over the future of Europe is not simply related to the crisis. Contrary to what some politicians were quick to explain on the evening of the first round, it seems that the French who gave their vote to extremism do not suffer that much from the immigration scourge. French analysts have found that, while the latter represents a major concern for 62 per cent of National Front voters, areas where the party has received a significant number of votes do not have a particularly high immigration rate.
A European phenomenon
Foreigners in Europe by Digital Dreams on FlickR License-CC-BY
Politicians singing this weathered old tune against immigration are not limited to France. In Greece, the Neo-Nazi party known as Golden Dawn took advantage of the country's economic difficulties and broke through during the most recent general elections. In Great Britain, a commenter posting under the name James reacted to the fact that Cameron, Merkel, and Sarkozy declared the failure of multiculturalism in Europe:
She [Merkel] wanted People from richer nations to embrace and train poorer region folk! It hasn't worked, its cost us all billions and its getting more expensive year on year! Would you rather have a farmer from romania working in britain, claiming to be poor and sending all the money home to build a mansion! thats whats happening.
Valérie said she is no longer surprised by recycling of anti-immigration rhetoric. She suggested in her blog some reading to open up the debate:
Pour combattre les craintes face aux immigrés maghrébins et africains, on gagnerait à lire les textes du 19eme et du début du 20eme pour comprendre comment se fondent ces peurs et comment l’on ne fait que répéter les mêmes idées ayant cours dans les siècles précédents. Conseils de lecture :
- Conseillé par Melle S. : A. SAYAD « L’immigration ou les paradoxes de l’altérité » (1. L’illusion du provisoire et 2. Les enfants illégitimes).
- Gérard Noiriel, « Le creuset français ».
- Laurent Dornel, « La France hostile. Histoire de la xénophobie en France au XIXe siècle ”
To address anxieties over immigrants from Maghreb and Africa, one would gain from reading texts from the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries in order to understand the foundations of such fears and how the same arguments are being used throughout the centuries. Suggested reading:
- Suggested by Melle S. [fr]: A. Sayad, Immigration or the Paradoxes of Alterity [fr] (1. The illusion of the ephemery and 2. The illegitimate children)
- Gérard Noiriel, The French Melting-Pot
- Laurent Dornel, Hostile France. A History of Xenophobia in France in the 19th Century [fr]
May 06 2012
Greece: Rise of Neo-Nazi Group ‘Golden Dawn'
Facebook group ‘Leme OCHI sti Chrysi Avgi‘ (We say NO to Golden Dawn) [el] already has more than 11,000 likes. Created on December 2011, the anti-fascist group declares that “Fascism is gangrene, either you rip it off or it kills you”. Group members try to persuade people not to vote for Greek neo-Nazi party Chrysi Avgi (Golden Dawn) in forthcoming May 6, 2012, General Greek elections. Sofia Ignatidou in a Guardian article states that “Greeks shouldn't let their despair drive them to supporting the dangerous and opportunistic far-right party”.
May 05 2012
Brazil Approves Racial Quotas in Higher Education
This post is part of our special coverage Indigenous Rights.
[All links lead to Portuguese language pages except when otherwise noted]
On April 26, 2012, in a plenary session of the Supreme Court of Brazil, the adoption of racial quota policies in higher education institutions across the country was unanimously approved. With this approval, universities, colleges and educational institutions are legally allowed to devote a specific percentage of places for students of African and/or indigenous origin.
The approval of the policy brings up again the controversial debate [en] on racial discrimination and racial inequality in the country, promoting important reflections and divided opinions.
Commemoration of the judgment of the Supreme Court on affirmative action. Photo of Emily Silberstein (CC BY 2.0).
The measure is a reflection of affirmative action policies being constitutional in the country since democratization in 1988. Diana Costa, on her blog, says that the “discriminatory process [that] affects people negatively are marked by stereotypes that consolidate them as socially inferior, incapable, degenerated, etc., allocating them in situations of sub-citizenship and civil risk.”
She also explains what affirmative actions are:
É um conjunto de políticas que compreendem que, na prática, as pessoas não são tratadas igualmente e, consequentemente, não possuem as mesmas oportunidades, o que impede o acesso destas a locais de produção de conhecimento e de negociação de poder.
The blog Religiões Afro Brasileiras e Política (Afro Brazilian Religions and Policy) says that the result of affirmative action policies in the country through the quota system has already shown results of “a notorious growth in the proportion of graduated blacks and pardos [approximate translation: brown, coloured]”, between 1999-2009, according to IBGE data (Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics).
The University of Brasilia (UNB) was the first educational institution to adopt the measure when, in 2004, it started reserving 20% of its university places exclusively for blacks, and some other amount for Indians, without the entry requirement of taking the regular university exam. The Democrats Political Party (DEM) started a lawsuit against UNB in 2009 for considering the racial quota system a kind of racial court (to judge people's race by the colour of their skin). But since UNB adopted the measure, several other higher education institutions also started adopting the quota system.
To make the search process easier, the NGO Educafro provides on its website a complete list of institutions offering quotas for public school students, black students, indigenous students or students with disabilities.
#CotasSim vs. #CotasNao (#YesQuotas vs. #NoQuotas)
Many people celebrated the unanimous approval of the adoption of the quota policy. During the vote, the Supreme Court ministers themselves were very positive about the decision. According to Minister Joaquim Barbosa, the only black among those who voted, “these measures are intended not only to combat manifestations of blatant discrimination, but discrimination in fact, that is absolutely rooted in society, and so ingrained, people do not perceive it”, reported G1.
Photo #YesQuotas from @PriscilaPila on Twitter.
Journalist and teacher Jeso Carneiro also celebrated the decision. In his blog, he said that:
O STF (…) honrou sua importante missão de defender a supremacia da Constituição. A decisão da corte máxima do país é uma vitória de toda a sociedade brasileira, especialmente do movimento negro, que, desde a década de 1980, vem defendendo com firmeza a aplicação de ações afirmativas para combater o racismo e a exclusão social dos negros neste país.
On Twitter, through the hashtag #CotasSim, statements of support were intense.
Musician Sany Pitbull (@SanyPitbull) wrote:
A elite Branca brasileira tem uma divida à ser paga aos negros, aos pobres, aos índios e aos nordestinos desse país #cotassim
Blogger and historian Conceição Oliveira (@maria_fro) added:
Cotas não inventa a racialização bando de hipócritas, a racialização já existe em um país racista que segrega jovens negros #CotasSim
However, not everyone agrees with the decision of the Supreme Court. Videoblogger Daniel Fraga argues in this video that in a country such as Brazil, where racial mixing is very high, it would be difficult to correctly define who really is black or white. This decision would be made based on a “visual criteria,” and mentions UNB's case of two twin brothers, one considered white and the other black, the latter gaining a quota place at the university.
Others argue that the quotas would only be an easy way out for the poor public primary and secondary education system, a claim refuted in an article published by the Federal University of Minas Gerais, which says that “it is a big mistake to think that in the field of democratic public policies, advances are produced by sequential steps: first, improve basic education, and then democratize the university. Both challenges are urgent and need to be taken emphatically and simultaneously.”
The approval also generated racist statements. On April 29, a shop in front of the Federal University of Minas Gerais (UFMG) had a wall spray-painted with the words: “UFMG will turn black.”
Blog Brasil Escola explains the importance of a better understanding of racism in Brazil for understanding affirmative action policies in the country:
(…) a miscigenação não exclui os preconceitos. Nossa última constituição coloca a discriminação racial como um crime inafiançável. Entre nossas discussões proferimos, ao mesmo tempo, horror ao racismo e admitimos publicamente que o Brasil é um país racista. Tal contradição indica que nosso racismo é velado e, nem por isso, pulsante. Queremos ter um discurso sobre o negro, mas não vemos a urgência de algum tipo de mobilização a favor da resolução desse problema. Ultimamente, os sistemas de cotas e a criação de um ministério voltado para essa única questão demonstram o tamanho do nosso problema. Ainda aceitamos distinguir o negro do moreno, em uma aquarela de tons onde o último ocupa uma situação melhor que a do primeiro. Desta maneira, criamos a estranha situação onde “todos os outros podem ser racistas, menos eu… é claro!”. Isso nos indica que o alcance da democracia é um assunto tão difícil e complexo como a nossa relação com o negro no Brasil.
The discussion will continue in the coming weeks since, besides this action, the Supreme Court is yet to decide the constitutionality of racial quotas when applied to a student who attended public school. It is worth noting that quotas are not mandatory - every educational institution may choose to adopt the policy or not. The University of São Paulo (USP), the largest higher education institution in Brazil, for example, does not use it.
This post is part of our special coverage Indigenous Rights.
May 03 2012
Sudan/South Sudan: Voicing Hope for #newSUDANS
In the wake of the secession of South Sudan from Sudan in July 2011 and the recent clashes between the two countries over the oil-rich region of Heglig, citizens of both Sudans found themselves in the middle of an ugly upheaval.
On April 29, 2012, the Twitterverse was filled with an atmosphere of union and solidarity between Twitter users from both countries. Inspired by late Dr. John Garang’s vision for a “New Sudan”, they initiated the hashtag #newSUDANS and voiced their opinions, perceptions and hopes for two new democratic Sudans.
Aguil Lual (@AguilB) called on Sudanese and South Sudanese on Twitter to revive the momentum of Garang’s “New Sudan” speech and join the dialogue, saying:
@AguilB: What are your dreams 4 peaceful co-existence of the Sudans? Thoughts on CPA? What our leaders should do? #join the conversation #newSUDANS
Former South Sudan leader John Garang. Photo source: usaid.gov.
Aguil also called for freedoms and pride:
@AguilB: Freedom to report on politics, politicians, corruption, & rights abuses w/out being detained/beaten/silenced, impoverished #newSUDANS
And added:
@AguilB: Pride in our Sudaness. One day the news reports & int'l com will showcase South Sudan & Sudan as a model 4 peaceful transition #newSUDANS
Ali (@kashiff111) noted his vision for #newSUDANS:
@kashiff111: #newSUDANS powerful with it's individualism, colorful with its diversity, tolerant with it's unity, peaceful with it's faith.
Raian Gibrel (@bro0ownsugar) envisioned women empowerment, recognition of freedoms and an end to corruption:
@bro0ownsugar: empower women in order to get the other half of the society active and productive #newSUDANS
@bro0ownsugar: freedom of speech, religion, political practice #newSUDANS
@bro0ownsugar: “Eliminate corruption and all its resources #newSudans”
Muhanad Rabie (@Neo0rabie) called on peaceful conflict resolution:
@Neo0rabie: #newSUDANS Every one Must put his gun down. lets talk it out. Money you spend in War can be better spend in development, Health & Education
Muhanad also voiced his hope for the return of Sudanese in the Diaspora:
@Neo0rabie: People in #Diaspora have got to come back one day. #newSudans
Asmara Adanis (@AsmaraAdanis) cited good healthcare:
@AsmaraAdanis: Human life is valued. Unjustified death of Sudanese citizens not simply labelled destiny. Existence of #HealthCare #newSUDANS
Omer Abdellatif (@OmerAbdellatif) called against using religion to manipulate people:
@OmerAbdellatif: Do NOT use religion as a tool to manipulate people & laws! Treat people fairly regardless of religious backgrounds! #newSUDANS
On the other hand, Ahmed K (@SkinyTestaverde) preached secularism in #newSUDANS:
@SkinyTestaverde: Were we take advantage of our incredible diversity, eliminate tribalism, and realize that secularism is GOOD for religion #newSUDANS
Moez Ali (@his_moezness) used #newSUDANS to express that Sudanese people from all tribes and ethnicities should be identified as one:
@his_moezness: I'm from Shendi, El Fasher, Juba, El Damazin. I'm a Northerner, a
Southerner, a Nuba, a Zaghawi, a Fur and a Hadandawi #newSUDANS
Muhammad Osman (@Meltilib) promoted the elimination of racism, economic equality and freedom from intellectual materialism:
@Meltilib: #NewSudans where diseases of racism, ethno-centersim & religious bigotry are no more.
@Meltilib: #NewSudans with less economic inequality
@Meltilib: #NewSudans should be free of all forms of intellectual materialism.
Ahmad Mohamed (@AhmadMohamed10) tweeted his aspirations for #newSUDANS:
@AhmadMohamed10: I dream of the day when the #newSUDANS form a EU style federation with all the freedoms & economic cooperation that entails.
@AhmadMohamed10: Sudan and South Sudan - living side by side in peace with close economic, cultural & social cooperation/exchange. #NewSUDANS
And finally, Osman Musa (@OsmanBMusa) hoped:
@OsmanBMusa: No more trouble #newSUDANS.
The hashtag #newSUDANS continues.
April 30 2012
United States: Indig-Nación, the Spanish newspaper of Occupy Wall Street
This post is part of our special coverage #Occupy Worldwide.
Indig-Nación [es], an affinity group related to the Occupy Wall Street (OWS) movement in New York City, is hoping to establish links with the Latino community in the United States and the Spanish-speaking world through the alternative media project with original content in Spanish also titled Indig-Nación (a play of words between indignation and nation). Indig-Nación has its own website and a newspaper that will be distributed in New York, the birthplace of the Occupy movement in the United States.
Here is a video about Indig-Nación (in Spanish with English subtitles):
In a previous interview with Global Voices, the translator for the Spanish edition of the Occupy Wall Street Journal – Mariné Pérez – explained that the idea for a Spanish newspaper with original articles was enthusiastically discussed during the First General Assembly of OWS. Finally, after various months of preparation, the first edition of the newspaper has now been distributed. This edition will serve to mobilise people to take part in the general strike planned for the May 1st.
We have interviewed Sofía Gallisá Muriente, an artist and activist from Puerto Rico and part of the editorial team of Indig-Nación, to speak about the launching of the media project.
Global Voices (GV): How did you get involved with Occupy Wall Street?
Sofía Gallisá. Photographed by Cristina Agostini.
Sofía Gallisá (SF): It is really strange. I was at a Manu Chao concert and I heard a group of activists talking and saw them climbing up one of the platforms to announce a protest inspired by the Arab spring and the angry protests taking place in Spain. They explained that now was the time for the United States, particularly in New York (being the international capital of world finance).
The protest took place on the 17th September, I arrived sceptical and cynical given my past experiences with other protests in the city but I hoped this time would be different. I camped out on the first night and I rapidly realised just how strong the movement was.
GV: People have criticised the “decentralised” nature of OWS, even those who are involved in the movement. What do you think about this?
SG: Decentralization creates other problems and opportunities. The newspaper itself was structured in a decentralised fashion. This was because we were worried that there would not be original articles about topics pertinent to the movement, especially those written in Spanish; and given that traditional media is limited and manipulative we decided to act. We prefer to focus ourselves on our potential. If I see a shortage somewhere, I organise myself and others to meet this weakness. Decentralisation creates a system of auto-correction. These structures without hierarchies are not open to judge or to lay blame, but we form part of the solution.
GV: In the post titled “Somos muchos” [es] you react against the accusations made on the lack of Latinos in the OWS movement. You even go as far to suggest that “those that try to discredit the occupation frequently end up revealing their own prejudices when they try to identify us at first glance and associate ourselves with a simpleton’s view of Latino identity.” Could you elaborate on this?
SG: The accusations keep coming until it becomes an insult. Who are legitimate Latinos? We know that the Latino community is a completely wide-ranging group of people, and it is this diversity that we see represented in the movement. We do not conform ourselves with the typical notions of what is “Latino.”
Launch party for Indig-Nación in Brooklyn Commons, in New York, organised by the editorial team. Photographed by Josué Guarionex.
GV: We know that the Indig-Nación project was launched on the 14th April, what can people do to support it?
SG: People wishing to collaborate with the project, with content, translations and/or art can get in contact via editors@indig-nacion.org. Those wishing to make a donation can do so by visiting our portal. The newspaper will be distributed throughout the Latino communities, in the marches and in other occupations taking place across the North East of the United States. It will also be available in PDF format on the Internet. The printing of this newspaper is very important as it is the perfect time to attract people to take part in the protests on May 1st.
GV: Why use the Internet? What networks would you like to establish?
SG: We hope that Indig-Nación will help us to connect us with other blogspheres in Latin America and thus learn from other experiences of struggles. This is not the first crisis that has provoked protests and activism. We want to create new networks of communication and collaboration.
GV: How will you fund the next editions?
SG: For the moment the project is being funded by collections and donations. We have non-profit 501(c)3 status backed by Occupied Media, so each donation is exempt from paying taxes. Also, we will continue holding events such as parties and campaigns like Indiegogo.
GV: As well as publishing news pertinent to the current situation of immigrants and Latinos in the United States, are you also thinking about collaborating with activists in Latin America?
SG: We know that this is not the first crisis that has caused protests and activism. One of the principle objectives of Indig-Nación is to draw connections between OWS and Latin America, using language and interesting designs that are accessible and creative. We hope that this project will serve as the beginning of collaboration with other blogspheres in Latin America and from there we will learn about other struggles.
Indig-Nación: Editorial Team: Pablo Benson, SilvaSofia Gallisá Muriente, Mariano Muñoz Elías, Stephanie McGuinness, Martín Cobián, Patricia González Ramírez, Rojo Robles, Mariné Pérez, Edén Bastida Kullick. Translation: Teresa Elías. Web Design: Leonardo Velázquez. Design Team: Zak Greene, Ingrid Burrington
Armenia: Art, Genocide, Westernization and Identity
Writing on Hyperallergic, Hrag Vartanian explains how he marked the 97th anniversary of the massacre and deportation of 1.5 million Armenians in the Ottoman Empire. The writer and art critic/curator took his mother to an exhibition of Armenian art exploring art, westernization and ethnic identity in the post-Genocide world.
Martinique, Guadeloupe, French Guiana: Is “Miss Black France” Acceptable?
While French people are still in the midst of the presidential elections [En] with its second round coming up on May 5-6th 2012, another vote buzzed last week: the “Miss Black France” [Fr] contest.
The home page of the event scheduled on Saturday April 28th 2012 says[Fr]:
Célébrons la Beauté Noire!
The “About” section of the Facebook page of the contest explains [Fr]:
Les jeunes femmes noires vont enfin avoir leur élection. Jusqu’à aujourd’hui très peu représentée en France – et en tout cas pas dans les concours de « Miss » que l’on connait –, la beauté noire va pouvoir être mise en avant à sa juste valeur.
L’élection Miss Black France est ouverte à toutes les jeunes femmes françaises ou étrangères vivant en France, de métropole, des DOM-TOM ou d'Afrique, âgée…s d’au moins 16 ans, sans autre critère que l’élégance et le charme.
All young women, French nationals or foreign residents, native of France, the French Overseas Regions or Africa are eligible if they are at least 16 years old and with no other criteria than elegance and glamour.
This introduction to the genesis of this pageant has raised many questions among French people and bloggers, among which Bondamanjak from Martinique, who wonders [Fr]:
Dérive communautariste ? Acte militant ? Impérialisme yankee ? Bizness ?
These questions are justified by the founding motto of the French nation, according to which all citizens are equal and cannot be distinguished on account of ethnicity or religion. In this perspective, having a national contest based on the ethnicity of the pageants seems heretical to many netizens.
A post published on a Martinican blog People Bo Kay explains both points of view [Fr] and where the division lies.
Supporters of the pageant advocate the need for more visibility:
mettre la lumière sur ces femmes noires extrêmement nombreuses que l'on voit peu dans les médias.
En France, les seules miss noires que nous avons connues étaient soit métissées ou originaires d'outre-mer. Il n'y a jamais eu de filles issues de parents sénégalais ou algériens. Ces filles là ne se reconnaissent pas encore dans le concours de Miss France. Elles pensent qu'il n'est pas pour elles et donc s'auto-censurent.
This last point was made by historian and specialist of cultural diversity matters, François Durpaire [Fr], during an interview on French national channel, France 2 [En].
One of the cons to this pageant was that to some, it symbolizes reverse discrimination - the most recurrent question being, “What if a fair blonde French young woman wants to participate?”
A comment published following the post at Bondamanjak says [Fr]:
La couleur noire n'est ni une identité, ni une classe cela est ridicule de faire une quelconque différence face à une miss blanche. Le combat qu'on doit mener n'est pas à ce niveau. Contruisons avant une communauté unie , solidaire défendant notre mémoire pour contruire une vraie identité.
Although this beauty pageant has been very controversial and triggered much division among people over its legitimacy, one thing make people come together: why use the adjective “black” in French, instead of “noire”.
The answer is that black sounds more like a marketing success than “noire”.
The results of the pageant are published along with the picture of the winners on this post at People Bo Kay:
A 21-year-old marketing student from Senegal, Tiah Beye was crowned ‘Miss Black France 2012′ along with her two runners-up, 22-year-old, Ivorian-born Romy Niaba and 23-year-old, Aissata Soumah from Guinea.
Martinique: Where has Creole gone?
On Martinican collective blog Montray Kreyol, a recent post [Fr/Fr Cr] wonders why Martinique 1ère [Fr], which is the local relay of the French National Broadcast Network, Fance Television [En], has almost no Creole language spoken on air.
April 27 2012
Bolivia: TIPNIS Indigenous March Again
Over 500 members from Bolivian Indigenous organisations gathered in Trinidad, approximately 600 kilometres from La Paz, and began on April 27, 2012, at 8 pm (GMT) a march to Bolivia's Seat of Government for the second time. They are opposing Bolivia's governmental plan to built a road that would cut off right through the middle the Indigenous Territory and National Park Isiboro Sécure (TIPNIS for its initials in Spanish). Real-time reporting is available on Fundación Tierra website [es] and also the hashtag #TIPNIS on Twitter.
April 26 2012
Armenia-Azerbaijan: Attitudes to Nagorno Karabakh conflict resolution
Caucasus Conflict Voices posts early data from a 2011 household survey by the Caucasus Resource Research Centers revealing attitudes to the long-running conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the disputed territory of Nagorno Karabakh.
Peru: The Festival of the Peruvian Cajon
The Peruvian Cajon is a very commonly used instrument in Afro-Peruvian music and Peruvian music in general. It is believed to have originated in colonial times but it took its definitive form in the 20th century. In 2001 it was declared to be a “Cultural Heritage of the Nation”. Its use has extended to other parts of the world, most of all as a part of Flamenco music, stemming from Paco de Lucía's and his band's contact with this instrument in Peru in the 1970's.
The renowned Peruvian percussionist Alex Acuña is one of the people who has helped this instrument to become known throughout the world. Here we can enjoy it with a cajon solo in a concert:
Regarding the Cajon's use in contemporary Peruvian music, the web page Cajón Peruano [es] (Peruvian Cajon) tells us:
el cajón está presente prácticamente en todos los géneros de raíz afro (lundero, landó, festejo, alcatraz, toromata, panalivio, ingá, etc.), así como también acompañando al vals peruano, a la polka criolla, al one step, al pasodoble, al tondero y a la marinera.
Asimismo, el cajón es adoptado por los habitantes costeños de origen andino y empieza a ser utilizado por ellos para reinterpretar algunos géneros “tradicionales” y crear nuevas expresiones de música popular de la ciudad. Luego, coquetea con el rock y de ahí salta a las corrientes llamadas de música fusión, World Music y música étnica, entre otras.
The cajon is present in practically all genres of Afro-based music (lundero, landó, festejo, alcatraz, toromata, panalivio, ingá, etc.), as well as accompanying the Peruvian Waltz, the Peruvian Polka, the One Step, the Paso Doble, the Tondero and the Marinera.
Also, the Cajon has been adopted by coastal inhabitants of Andean origin; they have begun to use it to reinterpret some “traditional” genres and create new expressions of popular city music. Moreover, it flirts with rock and from there it makes a connection with other trends of music such as Fusion, World Music, and Ethnic Music among others.
This video showcases an example of the cajon played to a northern Marinera beat.
However this does not give us an idea of how popular the instrument is among Peruvians, above all along the coast, where there is no shortage of “cajon specialists” [es]. These are people whose work is teaching others to play this instrument and help with the Cajon festivals [es]. But what is a Cajon festival and what takes place during one? These specialists explain:
Un Festival de Percusión que tiene al Cajón Peruano -instrumento de percusión de origen afroperuano- como anfitrión. Conciertos, conferencias, muestra de videos, clínicas musicales y clases maestras que tienen a la percusión como protagonista. Diversos géneros y escuelas, variedad de instrumentos. Cajón, batería, congas, tabla india, timbal, cajita, marimba, tamborete, checo, pandeiro, y percusión sinfónica, criollo, jazz, cantautor, afroperuano, fusión, etc.
The festival's fifth anniversary took place this year and it was a complete success; particularly for the activity known as “La Cajoneada” which consists in bringing together the largest number possible of cajon players. This time more than 1,400 cajon players were brought together [es], which beat the previous Guiness Record from the 2009 festival that brought together 1,050 cajon players. Rafael Santa Cruz [es], the event's organizer, commented [es] on the reason for the Cajon's popularity to a local news station: “it's very therapeutic, in fact they are using it often in music therapy. It can also be used in a group setting.”
In the following video I was able to capture the last part of the final Cajoneada that was performed in the Plaza de Armas in Lima this year:
Tribute was paid [es] only moments before to the previously mentioned musician Alex Acuña with the Medalla de Lima (Medal of Lima) for having dedicated the whole of his life to music and spreading Peruvian culture abroad. The event had not even finished when the cajon players began to party among themselves; I was able to record some of it:
Two other videos show how the event continued.
The Cajon spreads joy and fun among people of all ages and transcends racial and social backgrounds, as is mentioned [es] in the Corresponsales Escolares (School Correspondents) blog from the newspaper El Comercio (The Commerce), where a father and son who are cajon players are interviewed:
“Es un orgullo tocar el cajón, especialmente cuando salgo fuera. Me gusta mucho la idea de esta congregación de gente”,
“Esta es una oportunidad de motivación para reencontrarnos con nuestros antepasados”
“It is an honor to play the cajon, especially when I play outside. I really like the idea of this congregation of people”,
“This is a very motivating opportunity to meet our ancestors”
Although it could seem somewhat anecdotal, this is very important with respect to the cultural identity of members of the Afro-Peruvian community. As Rafael Santa Cruz points out [es]:
Así como existe en el Perú una “historia oficial” que prácticamente excluye a los afroperuanos de la vida pasada del país, existe también una posición de no reconocimiento a los aportes de los mismos. En el caso del cajón este aporte es claro, contundente e indiscutible. El cajon es un elemento real y vital de la resistencia de los afroperuanos.
Video: Mothers Around the World Share their Different Experiences
In the International Museum of Women, the current online exhibit is all about mothers. MAMA: Motherhood around the Globe explores the different aspects of motherhood through video interviews to women in Nigeria, Kenya, Afghanistan, USA, Colombia, Hungary, China and Norway.
Lusina from Kenya is one of the interviewed mothers for IMOW
Mama to Be is the section on the expectations around motherhood and pregnancy, and how the different women, some not even out of their teens reacted and faced their impending motherhood.
How many women in the world actually have an opportunity to decide if, how, and when to create a family? What are the reasons that women today are choosing – or refusing to choose – motherhood?
In Healthy Mama, Healthy Baby, the stories these women share on their birthing experiences serve to illustrate how different cultures view birthing and health.
Every day, thousands of women worldwide give birth to new human life. While many of these women will have happy and successful deliveries, hundreds will die in childbirth. How do things like geography, income, and age affect your chances of a safe delivery? What is being done to improve upon the world’s maternal mortality rate, and how can you get involved?
In the Featured Voices section, stories were submitted by the audience and 6 stories were selected by an international jury for the Community Choice Awards. One of them is this excerpt of the hard situation in the Colombian hospital maternity wards by Jorge Caballero for Gusano Films. In Birth Journal Maternity Excerpt, a mother of 6 arrives to a checkup and then to deliver a baby. During the checkup, her story comes out through the questions asked by the doctor, and his attitude towards her changes, ending up with a suggestion for a tubal ligation and a curt farewell. During delivery, there isn't even time to move the lone woman to the gurney and into the maternity room, she gives birth on her hospital bed.
One-on-one interviews in Meet the Mamas focus the conversations around the woman and her personal story, for example, it helps contrast the different situations between a teen mother in Liberia, living what she calls in Critical Condition, and a teen mother in the United States, who through family support is able to move on ahead and continue her studies.
This exhibit in the International Museum of Women aims to get more people informed on the state of Women's Maternal Health, on their Get Involved page they suggest different ways in which readers can participate in improving the statistics and raise awareness themselves on these important issues.
April 25 2012
Armenia: Does the world need to recognize the Armenian Genocide?
Following this week's 97th anniversary of the 1915 massacre and deportation of Armenians living in the Ottoman Empire, vgratian asks its readers “Does the world need to recognize the Armenian Genocide?”
April 24 2012
Kazakhstan: Borat credited with tourism increase
RFE/RL's Transmission blog says that despite once protesting how ‘Borat' depicted the country, Kazakhstan is now crediting the 2006 film with increasing ten-fold the number of tourists visiting the country.
April 22 2012
Armenia: A Tale of Two Nations
Security, in the Caucasus and beyond…. comments on the 97th anniversary of the massacre and deportation of 1.5 million Armenians from the Ottoman Empire in 1915. Considered an act of genocide by many historians and countries, the blog explains why the events are still very much politically relevant to both Armenia and Turkey today.
Armenia: Human Rights Organizations concerned over film festival obstruction
After threats, intimidation and incitement to violence led to the cancellation of a film festival to be held in Armenia's second largest city of Gyumri, nationalists, with the indirect support of the country's main political parties and some NGOs, have attacked a human rights organization for the same reason.
Police stood by as some in a crowd of around 200 people threw eggs and stones at the Helsinki Citizen's Assembly office in Vanadzor. International human rights organizations have decried the latest manifestation of intolerance and lack of freedom of expression in the former Soviet republic.
Although the demonstrations against the screening of Azerbaijani films in Armenia were not well attended, mobilization was coordinated through the mass media and on Facebook. The organizers also allege that local authorities canceled classes for students so they could attend. Video shows young people, unable to remember the time when Armenians and Azeris did live together in peace, forming the majority.
Whatever the size and attendance, the action succeeded as Tamada Tales explains.
Its films did not feature the graphic violence of Pazolini’s “Salo” or the merciless satire of Sasha Baron Cohen’s “Borat.” The single criticism of Armenia's “Stop” film festival was that its films were made in the enemy state, Azerbaijan. And, now, faced with a campaign of threats and abuse, the organizers have called the festival off.
[…]
A previous attempt to screen Azerbaijani films in Armenia also fell through in 2010. The organizers said they will keep trying to promote free thinking and help audiences on both sides of the 24-year-long Nagorno-Karabakh conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan see through the veil of propaganda.
Ironically, those opposed to the festival justified their position by alleging there were no similarly moderate voices in Azerbaijan, Armenia's foe to the East. However, the attacks and threats against festival organizer Georgi Vanyan in particular have since shown that not to be the case.
Indeed, with nationalists as well as the government in Azerbaijan also against the festival, one Azeri youth activist was among those noting how many will do anything to prevent talk of peace and reconciliation.
@RuslanAZad: Neither both political elites & nor #Russia are interested in sincere movement for peace.Thus Vanyan had to be stopped #Armenia #azerbaijan
@RuslanAZad: I believe campaign against Vanyan was to greater extend political provocation than people's true desire. #Armenia #azerbaijan #caucasus
An anti-festival Facebook page included incitement to violence as well as threats against Vanyan and personal attacks on Global Voices' Caucasus editor and one of Armenia's most prominent bloggers, Unzipped, who earlier commented on the nationalist action in Gyumri.
This was a campaign of bullying, intimidation, hate speech, direct death threats, psychological and physical abuse towards someone who you do not agree with. This was not a ‘civil’ protest. More like a mob rule.
[…]
As one of my Facebook friends commented on his page: is this how civilised and cultured people need to react to showing of film? “Do these protesters realize how insecure and weak they appear? So shameful…”
[…]
Once again, freedom of speech lost in Armenia. Once again, state structures in Armenia failed to protect constitutional rights and freedom of their citizens. There were no winners.
However, if the situation in Gyumri was one of concern, what happened next in Vanadzor was on another level entirely. Human Rights Watch issued a statement.
On the morning of April 16, some 200 people – including former military servicemen, students and political party representatives – gathered in the center of Vanadzor and marched toward the HCA's office. According to one of the witnesses, the crowd was led by the Union of Nagorno-Karabakh War Veterans (“Yerkrapah”).
The HCA’s Vanadzor office tried to negotiate with the crowd and allowed several of the protest’s organizers to enter their offices to discuss the group’s demands. However, several of the rally participants also entered the premises and threatened to break the equipment and furniture unless the NGO agreed not to show the films. The crowd outside chanted slogans: “Traitors, Shame, and Turks!”
HCA Vanadzor director Artur Sakunts offered to postpone the film screenings, but the crowd demanded full cancellation and started to throw eggs and rocks at the office. They broke several windows, and one stone hit an HCA employee. Several protest organizers demanded that Sakunts cancel the film festival or potentially face further violence. When protest organizers told Sakunts that they could no longer control the angry crowd, he yielded to the threats and agreed to cancel the film screenings. The crowd dispersed shortly thereafter.
HCA’s Vanadzor office called the police as soon as the crowd gathered outside the office, but police arrived only after the protest dispersed. According to one eyewitness, there were at least four policemen near the office during the protest, but they did not intervene to try to prevent the attacks.
Freedom House also commented on events.
Freedom House urges Armenian authorities to conduct an immediate, independent investigation into a mob attack against the offices of the Helsinki Citizens’ Assembly (HCA), a leading human rights organization, and the failure of police forces to calm the crowd or intervene when the situation began to turn violent. […]
The film festival is a project of the Caucasus Center of Peace Making Initiatives (CCPMI) to foster reconciliation between Armenia and Azerbaijan, but Armenian nationalist groups and political parties reportedly worked together to organize the protest rally to halt the event. Screening of the films had previously been scheduled at the offices of the Asparez Journalist Club in Gyumri, but was cancelled due to threats of similar attacks. Freedom House calls on authorities to perform their duty by protecting the festival and its organizers from harm and defending all citizens’ freedom of peaceful expression.
Armenia is rated Partly Free in Freedom House’s Freedom in the World 2012 report, and Not Free in Freedom of the Press 2011. Nations in Transit 2011 categorizes Armenia as a Semi-consolidated Authoritarian Regime. Ethnic and territorial tensions remain high between the Armenian and Azerbaijani populations. A seven-year war over the semi-autonomous Nagorno-Karabakh region ended with a ceasefire in 1994, but has yet to be fully resolved.
The latest blow to freedom of expression in Armenia follows attempts to silence a young author for his book which contains stories detailing hazing and abuse in the military. Meanwhile, attempts to discredit Vanyan domestically as well as internationally continue online as well as off, with some civil society organizations in Armenia ironically among them.
Raising further questions about the sincerity of peace building initiatives in the country, as well as the extent to which freedom of expression will be tolerated in the future, concerns that the authorities in Armenia and Azerbaijan are more interested in perpetuating the ‘image of the enemy' in their respective societies continue.
April 21 2012
Slovakia: “Slavery in the Streets of Bratislava, 21st Century”
Radovan Bránik highlights an instance of child abuse in his photo report, Slavery in the streets of Bratislava, 21st century [sk]. His pictures show a Romani girl who, instead of being at school, is playing accordion for money in Bratislava's Old Town. A few older kids stand nearby, permanently checking for police presence and quickly taking the money earned by the girl. An adult woman, probably the kids' mother, is enjoying coffee and sandwiches, while the girl often has to run away from the police. A solution offered by the blog's readers: do not give them money.
April 20 2012
Kenya: Creating Alternative Initiation Rites to Womanhood without Cutting Girls
The Guardian.co.uk has released a video on female genital mutilation and the women and girls who are against this tradition and bringing on new alternatives to this initiation ritual. In the story, two young women refuse to be cut and married off in exchange for dowry, instead they are trying to convince their families that education is a better financial investment and that womanhood can be achieved with their genitals uncut.
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