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Abbrev:..oAnth.....Motto:...'Nothing to Hide'.#25c3/#CCC.:.. Den Nachgeborenen ein
gemahnendes Vorbild & zur bleibenden Erinnerung - Loc: München (Munich - Germany).
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Start of active postings on this Tumblelog Diary [microblogging -- WP] on Jan 2009,
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............ ABOUT THE ACTUAL SOUP.IO STATUS - - - latest entry 2012-03-27 ...........
2012-05-08 - oAnth: during the coming days I will hardly be capable for personal online
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May 10 2012
Futuro – the ideal home that wasn't
As the newly restored first edition goes on show, Justin McGuirk explores an emblem of 1960s architectural utopianism. Just don't call it a spaceship
Before the recession and the return of architectural probity, the phrase "like an alien spaceship" was all over architecture journalism like a cheap suit. Faced with anything that didn't look like a brick box, critics and headline writers would ransack their imaginations before inevitably reaching for the extra-terrestrial. Frank Gehry? Future Systems? Zaha Hadid? Yep, spaceship-mongers. Well there's only one building where that simile is inescapable, and that's the Futuro house, designed by Finnish architect Matti Suuronen in 1968.
Commissioned to design a ski lodge for a slope in Finland, Suuronen produced what he and many others believed was the prefabricated home of the future. An 8m-diametre "rotating ellipsoid" – geometry jargon for "like a 1950s Hollywood flying saucer" – the Futuro remains an emblematic image of the 1960s, despite having been a total sideshow as far as architectural historiography is concerned. Though they went into production in both Finland and America, only around 60 were ever produced (no one knows exact numbers). What is certain, however, is that the very first edition, cabin number 001, went on show last week at the Weegee Exhibition Centre in Espoo, 20 minutes from Helsinki. And as I was in Helsinki for the buildup to its festivities as World Design Capital 2012, I paid it a visit.
There it was, painstakingly restored and eye-achingly yellow, resting on its metal frame (the pod house was often helicoptered on to its legs), its hatch door with integrated staircase lowered invitingly. Entering a space that you know well as an image is usually either a shock or an anticlimax. In this case, it was the overpowering odour that struck me. It turned out to be the glue a restorer was using to put the finishing touches to the floor in preparation for the opening that evening. But it heightened the sense of being in a totally artificial environment. Circular rooms are strange in themselves, accustomed as we are to corners, but this plastic womb was more unheimlich than homely. With its built-in chaises longues arranged around a central hearth, it's more like a swinger's fantasy anyway – Playboy magazine featured it as the ultimate bachelor pad and it was used as the setting of a 1970s sci-fi porn film called The Goddesses of Galaxia.
What remains intriguing about Futuro, however, is that it's the closest housing ever came to product design. In the 1960s, the mechanisation of the domestic interior, particularly the kitchen, was in full force, as we accumulated labour-saving gadgets like washing machines and blenders. Suuronen's plastic capsule had the moulded integrity of a mass-produced consumer product, it was the house-as-gadget, a device for the nomadic lifestyle. What it relates to best is the pop space age furniture of the period – the Bubble chair designed by fellow Finn Eero Arnio or Joe Colombo's Boby trolleys – except this was furniture blown up to an architectural scale. Futuro belongs in a tradition of 1960s utopian radicalism. It picks up where Buckminster Fuller's earlier Dymaxion and Wichita houses (also designed for mass-production) left off, and it floats somehow in the same soup as Archigram's comic-book hi-tech or the Metabolists' capsule buildings. But it had none of the urban vision. For this reason, Futuro sits outside the architectural canon, a kitschy one-hit wonder. It was also a commercial failure.
When it came to London as part of the Finnexpo fair in 1968, the Daily Mail wrote (anticipating critics of the future): "This object, looking like everyone else's idea of a flying saucer from outer Space, is the Finnish idea of the perfect weekend cottage." Except that it wasn't. When the original owner of cabin 001, Matti Kuusla, installed it on the wooded shore of Lake Puulavesi, it caused a local outcry. Suuronen's capsule was far from their idea of the perfect country cottage, because the whole point of country cottages was nostalgic ruralism – the back-to-nature birch-whipping in the sauna that was their escape from the city and its encroaching plastic futurism. An American company, Futuro Corporation, had high hopes for it, but it was a flop there too, never rising above the level of the urban freak show – among other things it was used as a bank in the car park of the Woodbridge mall in New Jersey. The oil crisis of 1973, which tripled the price of plastic, was the final nail in the coffin. And there went another piece of 1960s utopianism. Well, if it calls itself the future, it's probably not.
May 05 2012
Anish Kapoor's Orbit tower: the mother of all helter-skelters
Finally, after two years of planning wrangles, Britain's largest public sculpture towers over the Olympic park
Time-lapse film: constructing Anish Kapoor's Orbit tower
As planning applications go, it would be fair to say that case #10/90250/FULODA, submitted to the London boroughs of Newham and Waltham Forest planning committees in May 2010, stood out somewhat. In among the loft conversions and Victorian conservatories that mark the staple fare of the weekly planning agenda in this part of east London, this particular file put the sober case for a 115m steel tower in the form of a vast, deconstructed spiral, painted bright red, lit up at night and visible from 10km away. Did the neighbours mind?
By the time it reached the application stage, the creators of the ArcelorMittal Orbit on the Olympic site (or "Boris's Folly", as it was generally known on the blog sites) had already invited as many neighbours as possible to comment. The Big Opportunity, a conglomeration of interest groups in the vicinity, with 56 members ranging from the East London Inventors Club to the Ladies' Wing of the Followers of His [Hindu] Holiness Swaminarayan Mandir, had been consulted. Responses had been invited from interested individuals from the Orbit's "region", which stretched as far as Milton Keynes, Brighton, Canterbury and Southampton. From all this reaching out, 118 comments had been received and noted by the time of the full planning application: 39% wrote in favour of a design variously described as "beautiful", "fragile" and "feminine". The rest argued in forceful terms that it was "ugly" and "not symmetrical" and objected in no particular order to the fact that it was red, pointless, expensive and an advert for Arcelor Mittal (and quite a cheap one at that).
At an open planning meeting, one of the tower's creators, the engineer Cecil Balmond, who is responsible for some of the world's most inspired and innovative structures, recalls how he thought they had lost it. "From the floor, people just seemed to be lining up with complaints, one after the other," he recalls. "It looked pretty bad at one point. We don't want this and what is the point of that? But then after a while came the counter-arguments: Britain needs something different and new, we can't bury our heads in the sand, all that. I just stood back and listened."
By the time of that public debate, Balmond and his fellow Orbit-creator, the artist Anish Kapoor, had become rather used to explaining their ideas to committees and taking feedback. They had (mostly calmly) addressed the concerns of critics, conservationists, health and safety officers and legacy deliverers one by one. Rather than calling it a tower, they liked to refer to the Orbit as "the tallest sculpture in the UK". In response to a suggestion that this sculpture had no relevance for London or the Olympics, it was argued that "the Orbit will take on a relevance of its own" after the Games had ended. As detractors had correctly observed, the colour red was chosen "intentionally for it not to blend with its surroundings". Charged with asymmetry, they argued that it was "meant to look unstable or fluid". Those who were standing up for the beleaguered bat colonies in the area had little cause for concern either: the low levels of light on the Orbit "would have no discernible effect on the bat assemblage over the Olympic site" or, indeed, on human assemblages in the neighbouring streets.
Last week, in advance of the tower's opening, I went to talk to Balmond and Kapoor at their respective studios about how they managed to stay sane and see this strange project through. In a way, they are typical Londoners. Balmond was born in Kandy, Sri Lanka, Kapoor in Mumbai, India. They both came to England as students and never left. Balmond has his hi-tech base, all 3D printers and biomorphic structures, on the edge of Hackney, a mile or two from the Olympic park; Kapoor's studio is a linked complex of factory spaces that stretches all the way down a road in Camberwell, south of the river (as his fame and ambition have spread so has his workshop; it now has the feel of a kind of aerospace lab manned by medieval guildsmen). In each man's office, scale models of the Orbit have pride of place. And despite what has been a gruelling process, both Kapoor and Balmond retain a sense of boyish excitement – or perhaps simple relief.
Kapoor started out in his teens with ambitions to be an engineer and this project has more than satisfied any remaining vestiges of those dreams: "I hope," he says, "I always will have a fascination with that archaic, elemental need to feel like an ant in an ant colony. To climb up the pyramids and just feel awe at man-made structures. That was the attraction of this for me."
For a role model in that enthusiasm, Kapoor needed to look no further than the project's driving force. Boris Johnson was almost lost for superlatives when announcing that work was starting on his great scarlet tower in 2010: "It would have boggled the minds of the Romans," the mayor declaimed. "It would have dwarfed the aspirations of Gustave Eiffel, and it will certainly be worthy of the best show on Earth, in the greatest city on Earth."
That was certainly the idea to begin with. The story goes that Johnson, keen to make his mark on the Olympic site that had become the fiefdom of the Tory peer Lord Coe, bumped into Britain's richest man, Lakshmi Mittal in the lavatories at the World Economic Forum in Davos in 2009. Grasping his opportunity with both hands, the mayor buttonholed the steel magnate about the possibility of funding a lasting symbol of London 2012, boggling the minds of Romans etc. Mittal himself confirms to me that "Boris might have even taken less time than he says to convince me... sometimes you just hear an idea that resonates with you - this was one of them." Soon thereafter, Mittal pledged £17m of his fortune to Boris's priapic fantasy and the mayor sent out a notice inviting the artists and architects of his realm to find a way of spending that money.
"Anish called me up that morning," Balmond recalls. The pair had long been friends and had collaborated on various projects including Kapoor's Marsyas, the brilliant crimson horn that filled the Turbine Hall at Tate Modern in 2002. "He said, 'Have you seen this one?' I hadn't. Then he said, 'Shall we get together and do this? You know, rival the Eiffel Tower and so on?' And I thought, 'Well, no one's going to say no to that.' So we joined up. And then realised that there wasn't the money for the Eiffel Tower."
Kapoor and Balmond sat down with a sketch pad and thought what the reference points might be. As well as Eiffel, they thought of Tatlin's Tower (the vast constructivist monument conceived for Petrograd in the year of the Russian Revolution, but never built). And they thought, too, of the Tower of Babel, particularly Bruegel's version of it, an irregular mass of stone and humanity reaching chaotically heavenwards, like some termite's mound. And then they thought: how can we make a mythical tower new?
"Anish was saying, 'Well, all towers go up, but what can we do that is different?'" Balmond recalls. He couldn't imagine to start with. "But then I thought, everything that goes up is concentric, essentially. That's what we need to get away from. So I thought 'orbit', just as a metaphor originally." He sketched a loose ellipse on a piece of paper. "Now planetary orbits are highly unstable things, whirling around, but they are stable in the sense that they follow a fixed path. So then I drew an orbit that comes back on itself but keeps touching itself. So that was the idea."
It was to be 180m high, the platforms just stuck in as and where. With this sketch, from a starting line-up of 60 proposals, Balmond and Kapoor made the last three, alongside Antony Gormley, looking to recreate the success of his Angel of the North, and the Hackney-based architects Caruso St John. Just before he walked in to present to the first of many committees, Balmond recalls: "Someone from the mayor's office said to me, 'Do you know the budget?' And I didn't. She said it was around £25m. And I thought, 'Oh Christ!' Because what we had I knew would cost £50m to £80m. So straight away we brought it down to as low as we could go and still get a good sightline into the stadium: 115 metres."
That was only the first of a series of compromises. In this sense, as Kapoor observes the Orbit is very much of its political moment: "The basic premise was to do everything you promised for about half the money," he says, with a grin. Earlier in the week he had watched the Olympic mockumentary Twenty Twelve's take on the process. "The organising committee on the show come up with the idea that Orbit should be a symbol for promoting sexual health," he says. "But sadly they copped out half way through and don't end up putting a condom on it as planned. What is astonishing about it is how accurate it was in terms of some of the meetings we all had..."
As Balmond says, with a similar sense of weary mischief: "I suppose the story behind the story is that the competition seemed to go on for ever, round after round." The decision process lasted the best part of a year. "At one of these meetings, I said to Boris, 'Just choose someone, for God's sake. Otherwise nothing will get built.'"
Balmond and Kapoor not only had to convince Nicholas Serota and his aesthetic jury of the value of the design, but also the "legacy committee", who, full of Dome-shaped nightmares, didn't want a "white elephant, still less a red one". So there was insistence on maximum retail and restaurant areas. The elevator had risen up the outside of the tower in the original plan but that cost too much so they put it inside one of the legs. The walkways that spiral up to the viewing areas were originally open but health and safety insisted they be covered. Gaps between stair treads were also removed. "First, any space had to be too narrow for a mobile phone," Balmond recalls, "then it was a 50p piece."
After that, the Olympic delivery people, who were building the stadium site, "were instinctively against it because they had done a brilliant job of getting things ready on time and they didn't necessarily want this huge art piece in the middle of it all, potentially screwing all their plans up".
In order to minimise disruption, the Orbit was put up without scaffolding, and essentially by three men: one in a crane and two rising slowly on cherry pickers, bolting the ultimate Meccano together piece by piece. And, despite all the earlier compromises, both Balmond and Kapoor are immensely satisfied with the result, though they are tired of the question: "What is it?"
"The fact is that you will never get Orbit in 2D," Balmond says. "Its richness and its over-layers can look excessive to a certain kind of mind. But 3D and the scale are the only way to judge the piece. Even then, it's a tough aesthetic for some."
"The problem with models," Kapoor says, "is that you can't pretend scale. You have to experience it."
With this in mind, early on the morning after I had spoken to Balmond and Kapoor, I drove east to have a look at their creation. As I came down from the A12 flyover, the Orbit was rising into the gloomiest morning, like some strange helter-skelter, defiantly red against the black storm clouds (Boris Johnson's greatest regret is that it did not incorporate a slide to whizz down). The Olympic development has sought to make sense of the particularly chaotic bit of urban landscape that the tower presides over; it hasn't succeeded quite and the tangle of the Orbit seems, from all the vantage points I could find, to add to the confusion. The closer you get to it, the less sense you can make of it, beyond a smile-inducing kind of energy and movement. Which is, for better or worse, exactly what Kapoor and Balmond (and perhaps Boris and Mittal) had in mind.
You can see in it what you want, as Balmond observes. Mittal tells me that to him the Orbit "represents the essence of what the Olympics are about, pushing yourself to the limit... building the unbuildable..." (though he also likes the fact that the structure that bears his name is "a showcase for everything steel has to offer...") Pandering a little to his sponsors Balmond admits he did one "cheeky presentation" where he extrapolated the five Olympic rings from the swirl, "a bit of post-rationalisation, but they are there". More than that, though, he claims to see "a kind of semi-organised flux, which was a pretty good way of describing London in the 21st century, and all its energy frothing and bubbling round and around." That kind of thing.
Kapoor's worst nightmare, he said, would have been to create a logo or, worse, a national symbol in the manner of the Beijing Olympics. "I can clearly make sleek objects but this was not meant to be one of them." So what was it meant to be?
"It's a series of discrete events tied together," Kapoor says, which again is something approximating his idea of London. "We didn't want an icon, we wanted a kind of moving narrative. You start under this great domed canopy that sits above you, almost ominous darkness, sucking you in. Then you come up slowly to light. At the top, there is a room with two very large concave mirrors, bringing the sky in, as if you are in the lens room of a telescope. There are moments, walking round, when it looks a jumbled mess, and then at certain points you might see little harmonies and clarity. That is the kind of thing we wanted, not something that gave itself away all at once."
Kapoor and Balmond can talk about their creation in this way because they have had to. But they prefer simpler notions really. "It was just an attempt to answer the question: how do you go up if not in straight lines?" says Balmond, who plans to watch the 100m final from the top. Kapoor, meanwhile, sums up his sense of his creation with a final laugh. "Don't you think it's just amazing that they actually let us build this?" he asks, with undimmed incredulity. And the more you look at it, the more you agree.
The Orbit opens on 28 July, with tickets available to those who already have tickets to Olympic events, and after the Games to the general public. www.arcelormittalorbit.com
May 02 2012
April 21 2012
The view from Europe's tallest building
A trip up the Shard yields a 60-mile-wide panorama spanning London. But is its haphazard journey from pipe dream to reality a good thing for the capital?
'Save us from a poke in the eye with a sharp stick," I wrote in the London Evening Standard, in 2000, when property developer Irvine Sellar unveiled plans for a 1,400ft-high pointy cylinder above London Bridge station. I went on to say that if he wanted to build something this big, which would be visible all over London, the least Sellar could do was hire a decent architect.
The sharp stick is now there and a little while ago I found myself high up it, wondering at a 60-mile-wide sweep in which I could see Southend-on-Sea in one direction and Ascot in the other, or, rather, smudges I was told were these pleasure grounds of poor and rich. You can see more clearly Heathrow's Terminal Five and the Queen Elizabeth II bridge in Dartford and Hertfordshire and the North Downs.
You can see, in other words, the whole of London, until now an unencompassable splodge that could last have been captured in a single view perhaps 200 years ago, to its perimeter and beyond. Close to, familiar and not-small objects, such as the Gherkin and HMS Belfast, look like large toys. It is both implausible and real, something well-known seen from an unprecedented place. It's hard to know what to do except gawp.
The stick is now named the Shard and has been redesigned by celebrated Genovese architect Renzo Piano, co-architect with Richard Rogers of the Pompidou Centre in Paris, who replaced the less glamorous firm of Broadway Malyan. The tower has also shrunk, to just over 1,000ft, as the Civil Aviation Authority was worried about planes crashing into it.
It is still big enough to be an object of urban fascination. A fox, a crane driver, base jumpers and other adventurers have all made headlines by getting to the top (or, in some cases, allegedly so). Unauthorised photos of the view from the top have gone viral, or viral-ish. Hacks and citizens are pouring forth their views: it's elegant; it's in the wrong place; it's a piece of international tower envy; it's a citadel of the mega-rich lording it over us morlocks below; it's a London icon. In truth, it is all these things. It is said to be penile, which can only mean that there are some odd-shaped penises out there.
It is also a monument to the hustling abilities of one man, Irvine Sellar. Sellar made his first fortune with what might then have been called groovy fashion boutiques in the 1960s, before moving into property, before going blazingly bust, before starting over again with industrial units in Portsmouth and Warrington. He is the sort of person who gets called a "barrow boy", who had limited experience of building above three storeys before he started on the Shard, and to whom the bigger, more established property companies would condescend.
Sellar bought the site of the future Shard, which is next to London Bridge station and was then occupied by a brownish 1970s building called Southwark Towers, in 1998. He had, he says, no idea it would soon be government policy to support dense development near major transport interchanges. But it was and he spotted a chance. "Railtrack didn't convey the site to me as well as they might have done," he says, "which gave me an opportunity to talk sensibly about building something tall." In other words, he had better lawyers than they had and he got his way.
He got London's newly installed mayor, Ken Livingstone, on his side and Fred Manson, a dynamic planner for the borough of Southwark. Sellar hired Piano, possibly because of criticisms in the press but more probably because he needed someone of Piano's reputation to get planning permission. They made an odd couple – Sellar is stocky and bustling, Piano is tall, well-tailored, and never visibly ruffled. It looked like a marriage of convenience: Piano would lend Sellar his cachet and Sellar would give Piano the chance to build the most conspicuous landmark of his career. Or at least, as few believed the Shard would really be built, Sellar would pay him handsomely to conjure up this spectacular fantasy. Sellar, it was widely assumed, would then sell the undeveloped site for a large profit.
In a few months, Piano ran up his designs. He came up with an elongated pyramidal shape, which he said was inspired by old pictures of spires and ships' masts in the Thames. He talked about its special, extra-white glass and how the canted surfaces would reflect the sky and produce "a nice light presence". Grasping for words at a press conference, he said it would look like a "… a shard … a shard of crystal".
The tower would be a "village", not a monolithic office block. There would be flats, a hotel and restaurants, as well as 570,000 square feet of office space. There would be public viewing galleries, so that Londoners could take possession of it and not just gawp at the exterior. It would be sustainable, to the extent that such buildings can be. Being next to a large railway station would mean that the thousands of people working in it would use trains rather than cars. A "radiator" at the top would use the effect of high winds to help cool the building.
English Heritage objected, in particular because of the Shard's effect on the view from Hampstead Heath, where it would loom over St Paul's. There was a public inquiry, which decided that the tower was a good enough piece of design to overcome such concerns. John Prescott, then the minister in charge of such things, declared that it was "of the highest architectural quality" and granted it planning permission.
Still, there was doubt whether it was possible to finance such a building, in an unfashionable location. Livingstone gave a leg-up to his favourite project by promising to move the offices of Transport for London there. Sellar signed up the Shangri-La hotel group. The credit crunch hit, which might have been terminal to a project so palpably of the profligate boom years, but then the cavalry appeared, in the form of the property arm of the ruling family of Qatar. As their oil wealth means they have no need for credit, the credit crunch did not bother them much.
Sellar now says that "there were moments when things weren't particularly good, but I have never thought that we wouldn't win this". He says he is "not smug or complacent. There is still plenty to do… a beautiful building apart from its architectural merit is not completely beautiful until it's fully let" and they are still looking for tenants for some of the office space. He also says that "it is not about being tall, by the way. It will never be the tallest, but it is the most beautiful". It's not quite believable that height is unimportant to Sellar, although he's right that it's fatuous to chase superlatives, given that the Shard does not quite equal the 82-year-old Chrysler building in New York. It is none the less the tallest building in Europe.
What is there now is more like the designs that Piano produced almost 12 years ago than seemed likely. The ecological radiator has been omitted, on the grounds that it would be expensive and that other equipment would do the same job as well, but otherwise his office has seen off most attempts to cut costs. The glass he wanted is there, as are the public viewing galleries.
He will have his "village", although it will be no Little-Mouldering-on-the-Marsh, and it is hard to see how the social mixing that is presumably part of the attraction of the village idea will take place. The different parts of the building have different lifts and entrances, which reduces the chances of maypole dancing or whatever its modern equivalent might be.
The Shard will have a luxury hotel, and 10 flats near the top, each one of which entirely occupies either one or two floors. These are currently shells, but it does not take much to see that their overflowing abundance of space and views will put them beyond the reach of all but the most hyper of the hyper-rich. Each is rumoured to be worth between £30m and £50m, which means that the 10 of them pretty much pay for the £450m construction cost of the whole building.
So there it is, impressive and with a certain stylishness, even if not quite achieving the "nice, light presence" that Piano promised. It will certainly become – is already – a London landmark and will take its place on T-shirts and tourist shows along with Tower Bridge and the Gherkin. It is made more interesting, if not really a village, by its multiplicity of uses. With its fantasy flats and Hollywood panoramas, it will feed the collective mythology of the city. Rich people may not be fashionable at the moment, but we still like to hear stories about them.
It is also a work of the punk urbanism in which modern London specialises. Other cities would look at the question of increasing development around railway stations and aim for some sort of coherent plan for achieving it. In London, they declared an intention and then gave first prize to the man – Sellar – quickest off the mark. They then dressed the consequences in "outstanding architecture". The Shard was the first and unfortunately the best of such developments. After it came other towers, such as the Strata in Elephant and Castle and the Vauxhall Tower, which repeated the same formula of height next to a station, intrusion on important views, an eco-doodad on top and architecture declared outstanding by John Prescott. The spawn of the Shard come nowhere near to the quality of the original.
So is it worth it? You might say that it depends whether you think London is more like a novel or a painting, about cracking stories and crazy contrasts or about harmonious compositions. Or rather, given that London is in fact a city, and therefore about the play of individual and collective, whether it falls within the hazy rules of the game. It is a thing that pops up everywhere, in views down streets, from parks, from the M25. It is the most conspicuous object in London. It seems to proclaim something significant, yet all it really says is that we have a wonky planning system and that someone called Irvine Sellar was smart enough to exploit it.
I appreciate that anarchy is part of London's DNA, but it is not all of it. I also appreciate Sellar's energy, Piano's skills and the thrills that the Shard offers. I like the view. But not that those skills and energy have gone into making something that, at bottom, is profoundly random.
April 18 2012
Oldest surviving unrestored Mini to be auctioned
Car enthusiasts expected to bid up to £15,000 for Austin Mini Se7en De Luxe when it goes under the hammer at Bonhams
To the untrained eye it looks like the sort of rust bucket not even the most optimistic secondhand car dealer would dare to offer for sale.
But car enthusiasts are expected to bid enthusiastically when this particular Austin Mini Se7en De Luxe comes up for auction later this month.
The vehicle is believed to be the oldest surviving unrestored Mini and will probably be snapped up by a fan of the make wanting to return it to its former glory.
Auctioneers Bonhams say the car was the eighth of its type to roll off the production line at Longbridge in Birmingham in May 1959. It is known to have been owned by one Gladys Hobro of Aldwick, near Bognor Regis, West Sussex, before being bought by David Gallimore in 1986. Gallimore kept it in his garage at Chichester and there are still only 30,041 miles on the clock.
John Polson, of Bonhams, said: "This is a wonderful opportunity to buy the car and restore it. Collectors love the fact it has had very little done to it since it was built.
"The car was made very, very simply without many instruments or equipment.
"It was designed to be an affordable, family car. The Mini is one of the most important cars of the 20th century. They have always been collectable.
"Some collectors would want to return her to new, but others would just like to get her going again and keep her in the original condition."
It is thought that only three Minis earlier than this one exist, but they have been restored. One is owned by the British Motor Industry Heritage Trust and the other two are in private collections in Japan.
The Mini is expected to fetch up to £15,000 when it is auctioned on 30 April in Hendon, north London.
April 17 2012
Letters: Academic appeal to save the Wedgwood
We are concerned at the threat to the Wedgwood Museum and Archive as an integrated collection in the UK (Royal Academy's call to save Wedgwood Museum, 16 February). The threatened sale could result in the collection being broken up, passing into private hands, or going overseas. Each of these outcomes would be a disaster for Britain's industrial and artistic heritage. The Wedgwood Museum preserves the design, production, organisational and social histories of one of the world's leading ceramics manufacturers and is recognised by Unesco as being of outstanding international importance. It represents a flagship collection for the history of British consumer goods industries; a testimony to one of the most brilliant designers, technologists, and industrial artists of the 18th century; and a key part of Britain's industrial and artistic heritage.
In contrast to the high priority and profile given to campaigns to save paintings for the nation, this important collection appears to be neglected by an art establishment which seems more interested in individual, high-priced works by overseas painters than in saving the artistic legacy of Josiah Wedgwood and the numerous artists and craftsmen who worked for Wedgwood from the 18th to the 20th centuries. For a country that prides itself as leading the world in creative industries and in producing high-quality art for a broad market, this seems to be an unfortunate set of priorities.
Peter Scott Professor of international business history, Henley Business School at the University of Reading
Andrew Popp University of Liverpool Management School
Fred Anderson Indiana University of Pennsylvania
Bridie Andrews Bentley University, Massachusetts
Maria Ines Barbero Director, Centro de Estudios de Historia y Desarrollo de Empresas, Universidad de San Andrés, Argentina
Bernardo Batiz-Lazo Professor of business history and bank management, Bangor University
Mark Billings University of Exeter
Alan Booth University of Exeter
Gordon Evelyn Boyce
Ludovic Cailluet Université du Littoral Côte d'Opale, Dunkerque
Angus Cameron Leicester University School of Management
Martin Campbell-Kelly University of Warwick
Ann M Carlos Professor of economics, University of Colorado, Boulder
D'Maris Coffman Director, Centre for Financial History, University of Cambridge
Stephanie Decker Aston Business School
Tolera Zelalem Desalegn University of Milan
Colin Divall Professor of Railway Studies, University of York
Linda Edgerly Director, The Winthrop Group Inc
Jari Eloranta Appalachian State University
Judy Faraday John Lewis Partnership Archives
Jeff Fear University of Redlands, California
Susanna Fellman Professor of Business History, University of Gothenburg
José Luis Fernández Fernández Universidad Pontificia Comillas, Spain
Dale L Flesher Arthur Andersen alumni professor and associate dean, Patterson School of Accountancy, University of Mississippi
Andrew Godley Professor of management & business history, Henley Business School at the University of Reading
Terry Gourvish (London School of Economics), President, Association of Business Historians
David Hancock Professor of History, University of Michigan
Daryl M Hafter (Eastern Michigan University), former president, Society for the History of Technology
Per H Hansen (Copenhagen Business School), President-elect, Business History Conference
Barbara Hahn Texas Tech University
Roger Horowitz (University of Michigan), Secretary-treasurer, Business History Conference
Jane Humphries (University of Oxford), President, Economic History Society
Karen Hunt Professor of Modern British History, Keele University
Richard R John Professor of journalism, Columbia University
Florent Le Bot ENS de Cachan, Paris
Luis de León Molina Bilbao, Spain
Yongdo Kim Hosei University, Tokyo
Nancy F Koehn James Robison professor of business administration, Harvard Business School
Berti Kolbow Institute of Economic and Social History, Goettingen University
Elisabeth Koll Harvard Business School
Theodore P Kovaleff Columbia University
Naomi R Lamoreaux Professor of economics and history, Yale University
Daniela La Penna University of Reading
Margaret Levenstein (University of Michigan), Past president, Business History Conference
Stephen Linstead Professor of critical management, University of York
Ken Lipartito (Florida International University), President, Business History Conference
Katey Logan Business Archives Council
Niall G MacKenzie Head of research, Institute for Innovation Studies, University of Wales Global Academy
John J McCusker Ewing Halsell distinguished professor of American history and professor of economics, Trinity University, Texas
José Miguel Martínez-Carrión Professor of economic history, University of Murcia
Anette Mikes Harvard Business School
Stephen Mihm University of Georgia
Elena Moran
Stephen L Morgan (University of Nottingham), Editor-in-chief, The Australian Economic History Review
Marina Moskowitz University of Glasgow
Alistair Mutch Professor of information and learning, Nottingham Trent University
Simon P Newman Sir Denis Brogan professor of American history, University of Glasgow
Shigehiro Nishimura London School of Economics
Richard Ovenden Bodleian Library, Oxford
Mary Quek University of Hertfordshire
Veronique Pouillard University of Oslo
Michael Rowlinson Professor of organization studies, Queen Mary, University of London
Mary Rose Lancaster University Management School
Elena Laruelo Rueda National Institute of Industry Historical Archive, Madrid
Thomas Max Safley Professor of early modern European history, University of Pennsylvania
Marianne Schmitz German Historical Institute, Washington
M Stephen Salmon Senior business archivist, Library and Archives Canada
Andrew Smith Coventry University
Merritt Roe Smith Cutten professor of the history of technology, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Anna Spadavecchia Henley Business School at the University of Reading
Uwe Spiekermann Deputy director, German Historical Institute, Washington, DC
Marc Stern Bentley University, Massachusetts
James Sumner University of Manchester
Stefan Schwarzkopf Copenhagen Business School
Kevin D Tennent University of York
Paul Thommes Aachen University
Steven Tolliday (University of Leeds), Past president, Business History Conference
James Walker Henley Business School at the University of Reading
Eugene N White Professor of economics, Rutgers University
Daniel A Wren David Ross Boyd professor emeritus, University of Oklahoma
Robert E Wright Nef Family chair of political economy, Augustana College, South Dakota
April 13 2012
Bauhaus: a blueprint for the future
On the eve of a Barbican retrospective, Rowan Moore explores the enduring appeal and influence of the Bauhaus school
Not much united Walter Ulbricht, the Stalinist dictator of East Germany for two decades, and Tom Wolfe, celebrant of the splendours and follies of American capitalist excess. Not much, except a loathing of the Bauhaus and the style of design it inspired. Ulbricht called it "an expression of cosmopolitan building" that was "hostile to the people" and to "the national architectural heritage". Wolfe called it "an architecture whose tenets prohibit every manifestation of exuberance, power, empire, grandeur or even high spirits and playfulness".
For Ulbricht it was alien to Germany, for Wolfe it was alien to America. Both agreed that it was placeless, soulless and indifferent to ordinary people's needs. And if the Bauhaus attracted such consistent forms of hostility, that is due to the power and coherence of the image it presented to the world, of disciplined and monochrome modernist simplicity, usually involving steel and glass. Given that it was actually a short-lived and semi-nomadic school of design and art with the usual riot of individualists, visionaries, eccentrics, schemers and geniuses that such places attract, this appearance of unity was an achievement.
From May the Barbican is staging an exhibition of 400 of the Bauhaus's works, the first in Britain on this scale for 44 years. It will stress the breadth of its output, including paintings by Paul Klee and László Moholy-Nagy, furniture by Marcel Breuer, textiles by Gunta Stölzl, architecture by Walter Gropius and Mies van der Rohe, photography, film, ceramics, theatre, graphics and product design. It promises to portray the central ideal of the Bauhaus, "to change society in the aftermath of the first world war", as the Barbican puts it, and "to find a new way of living".
When Walter Gropius founded the Bauhaus in Weimar in 1919 it was with these aspirations for a new life, and for a multiplicity of creative disciplines, together with a stress on the importance of making things as opposed to just theorising about them. But there was not yet a distinct form or direction to these ideas, and almost anything could be considered as a route to a better future, including new spiritualist religions and a strict vegetarian diet which had to be livened up with plenty of garlic. According to Gropius's spectacular wife Alma, whose other husbands and lovers included Gustav Mahler, Oskar Kokoschka and the writer Franz Werfel, the most distinctive feature of the Bauhaus in its early days was garlic on the breath.
Certain questions were unresolved and intensely debated. Was craft or mass production more important? Could art and manufacturing be reconciled? Did individual expression impede service to society? In 1925 the school moved to Dessau, between Berlin and Leipzig. At the time it was an industrial boom town, the base of the Junkers aeroplane company. The harder-edged, more technocratic arguments started to prevail. The young Marcel Breuer started collaborating with Junkers on making tubular steel furniture of a kind that would eventually become commonplace in boardrooms and forward-thinking homes. Greater attention was paid to the commercial development and marketing of Bauhaus-designed objects.
In Dessau they built, in the extraordinarily short time of one year, the Gropius-designed building that became as famous as the institution it served. With its glass curtain walls and spare rectilinear forms, it crystallised what would become the dominant type of modernist architecture. It was one of the most prodigiously influential buildings of all time, a prototype that would be followed by office buildings, hotels, schools and hospitals in almost any country you can think of. In Dessau, Gropius and his followers could also try out other architectural ideas on the row of houses built for Bauhaus masters, and on 300 low-cost houses built for industrial workers on the Dessau-Torten estate.
In 1932, however, the school moved on again, to Berlin. The next year it fell victim to the National Socialists – another movement that, after the catastrophic trauma of the first world war, sought a new order and expressed itself through memorable visual imagery. Junkers started making Stuka divebombers, not Breuer chairs, and Dessau was all but flattened by bombing in 1945. The Bauhaus building was severely damaged, and only recently has been fully restored. But its influence spread. The Bauhausler diaspora, of ex-students and teachers building in the style they had learned, extended to Tel Aviv and Tokyo. Gropius migrated via London to the United States, where he became a professor at Harvard and designed the Pan Am building above New York's Grand Central station, much disliked for the way it imposed on the view down Park Avenue. He also designed the Playboy Club in London, prompting a new generation of radicals to denounce him for selling out.
To visit the Bauhaus building now is to be struck again by the extraordinary way in which a single construction in a provincial town could have had so much effect. It is also to see nuances that, inevitably, imitators lost. For years the Bauhaus building was known to the wider world mostly through a few black-and-white photographs that stress its more easily copied details, but miss the point that it was a framework for the creative energy of the school. Its stairs, workshops and balconies were places of display as well as function, and its glass walls made a spectacle of its internal activities. One of the key spaces was an auditorium whose stage is connected to the communal canteen, thereby bringing together performance and life. It also has a subtle colour scheme, contrary to Wolfe's assertions that the Bauhaus was only interested in black, white and grey. If it looked like a factory it also had properties of a commune, a cult centre and a theatre.
Although it was founded by Gropius, architecture was not at first the main point of the Bauhaus, and its vast legacy extends from graphics through product design to art. But architecture came to dominate the public image of the place, and the style of the building proved easier to record than the events that happened there. What Wolfe and Ulbricht railed against was its impact on the built environment. Which, if you only look at its form and not at its content, does indeed look sterile. Hopefully, the Barbican show will put this misconception right.
As for Alma, she tired of the work ethic of her husband and his school. At least if Tom Lehrer is to believed. As "Alma", his tribute to her, has it:
But he would work late at the Bauhaus,
And only came home now and then.
She said, "What am I running? A chow house?
It's time to change partners again."
April 11 2012
Colombia's architectural tale of two cities
While Bogotá's design successes have gone awry, Medellín's iconic architecture is reviving a city once blighted by crime
Over the last decade, Colombia has been a touchstone of what good design and enlightened politics can do for cities. If Barcelona was the urban exemplar of the 1990s, urbanists these days are more likely to mention Colombia's capital, Bogotá, and its second city, Medellín. In both cities, a succession of dynamic mayors has used transport infrastructure and new public buildings as tools of social change. But this tale of two cities doesn't come with two happy endings.
In Bogotá, two mayors in particular, the former philosophy professor Antanas Mockus and Enrique Peñalosa, had a dramatic impact. Famously, they brought decent sidewalks, bike lanes and the Transmilenio bus service to bypass the capital's crippling traffic – measures that privileged the non-car-owning poor. Their achievements have even been celebrated in more than one documentary. But this success story has gone awry. Today, the Transmilenio is so overcrowded even the passengers go on strike (arguably a victim of its own success); there are so many road projects underway that traffic has come to a standstill; and the last mayor, Samuel Moreno, awaits trial for corruption. "Eight years ago you believed in this city, now it's in crisis," says Giancarlo Mazzanti, Colombia's most renowned architect.
You could not say the same of Medellín, which has undergone an incredible transformation. In the 1990s, Medellín was the murder capital of the world. Then home to Pablo Escobar and the warring drug cartels, this is a city where almost everyone has a tragic story about a friend or relative. Violent crime remains a problem, especially in the poorest neighbourhoods, but nothing like in its heyday. These days Medellín is more likely to make the news for yet another photogenic building. In recent years it has kept architecture magazines drip-fed with self-consciously iconic projects of the kind that has been thin on the ground since the recession.
Mazzanti has been leading the charge. His España library-park, an outcrop of three monolithic structures, looms over the city from atop a surrounding hill. Set in one of the poorest slums, it has become an emblem of the city's renewed image as a cultured metropolis. And it is one of many. There is the even more picturesque Orquideorama, a vast hexagonal canopy structure in the botanical gardens, designed by architects Plan B and JPRCR. There is the rigorously landscaped swimming pool complex designed by a young (now disbanded) practice called Paisajes Emergentes, and the extravagantly roofed sports arena designed by Mazzanti, again, and Felipe Mesa. I visited all of these buildings last week, and though each is impressive in its own way, I do not intend to address their qualities here. Much more interesting is what they stand for – "social urbanism", as it has become known here.
Whatever one thinks about a building such as the España library – and there are those who find it less successful as an actual building than it is in terms of looks – it marks a critical shift in urban policy. For decades, cities in South America have acted as though favelas or barrios didn't exist – rarely wanting to legitimise them with transport links, electricity grids or running water, they were largely left to their own devices. This library, sitting in the middle of one as it does, makes the slums as visible as can be, and in so doing acknowledges them as part of the city proper and not some unfortunate eyesore. This is a massive U-turn since the days when it was common to speak of "cutting out the cancer" of the slums. For once, architecture-as-spectacle is not being used as a tool to market the culture industry, but to make poverty visible.
Even more significant than the library is the cable car that leads up to it from the foot of the hill, which saves residents at least an hour's climb up concrete steps. Unlikely though it is in this setting, the cable car has become a trope in South American cities, since slums often cling to steep hills where it is difficult to build roads. There is one in Caracas and one in Rio, but the first to be completed was in Medellín. Indeed, this Colombian city is a test-bed of urban innovations. There are several hybrid library-parks (part community centres and part much-needed public spaces), two cable car systems and, most recently, an outdoor escalator running nearly 400m up the troubled slum of Comuna 13.
The man who normally gets the credit for unleashing this sequence of urban interventions is, again, a mayor. Sergio Fajardo was a brilliant mathematician who was mayor of Medellín from 2003-7. He was obsessed with the idea of public space, especially in poor neighbourhoods – he attributed the fall in crime during his term in part to the increase in the amount of public space per citizen. One of these is the Parque de los Deseos, a stone plaza with fountains that doubles as an outdoor amphitheatre for film screenings. For Fajardo, good architecture and public spaces were a means of building civic pride, and the Medellín of today is a product of that vision.
However, Fajardo, the son of an architect, was merely the right man for the times – and like any politician (he is currently the governor of the state) he will happily take the credit. The real story of Medellín's transformation is rooted in a civic movement that began in the mid-90s and saw politicians, captains of industry and architects cooperating with a common goal. "The most important thing that happened in this city was not architecture but a 'social architecture' made of people – politicians and entrepreneurs understood that they had to build a future for everyone," says Jorge Perez, former head of urban planning for the metropolitan region.
Medellín developed a model that many cities around the world could learn from. For instance, the local energy company, EPM, is neither private nor nationalised but owned by the city, and it was decided that its profits (about $450m a year) should be fed back into the city. Where most mayors, including London's, have to lobby central government for money, Medellín's have tremendous spending power. Alongside this public-private partnership, the mayors have actively sought out the advice of an architecture community trained in the problems of their own city. Again, this is all too rare. In a short space of time, Medellín has turned itself into a model Latin American city, with good transport, dynamic public spaces, new schools and a culture of civic architecture. The real design project, however, was one of social organisation, with a section of society grouping together and deciding to rewrite their city's story.
April 06 2012
Villa Tugendhat
Mies van der Rohe's Villa Tugendhat, a paragon of light and spacious living and the inspiration for Simon Mawer's 2009 novel The Glass Room, has been restored to its 1930s glory and is now open to all
When Ludwig Mies van der Rohe declared that "less is more" he was not talking about budgets. Saving money was rarely among his concerns, and one of the many amazing things about his Villa Tugendhat, completed in 1930 in the Czech city of Brno, is the stupendous price of its apparent simplicity. It cost five million Czech crowns at a time when a very respectable luxury villa could be built for about 320,000 crowns. In other words, it cost 15 times the going rate for houses of this type; he could accurately have said "less costs more".
Not that his clients, Grete and Fritz Tugendhat, both heirs to industrial fortunes, complained. What they got for their money was a pioneering steel-framed house, equipped with glass walls that could slide down into the floor, a special room for keeping their furs chilled and moth-free, and a heating and cooling facility like the engine room of a ship, which consumed a train-wagon-load of coal every winter. It also passed air through a shower of water, over stones taken from the sea, then through filters of cedar oil and cedar shavings, in order to make it cool and fragrant.
They got one of the most influential houses of the 20th century, whose open plan and panoramic glazing are still imitated today. Most importantly, they achieved what Greta called "a modern spacious house… with clear and simple shapes" that gave "a completely special calm". It did justice, she said, "to the primarily spiritual sense of life of each and every one of us, as opposed to mere necessity".
It has been variously claimed that modernist architecture was about rationality, or pure function, or raising the environments of the working classes; none of those arguments applied in this case.
Now, for the first time since the 1930s, it is possible to see the house more or less as Mies (as the architect is best known) intended, following a restoration supported by the EU and carried out by the city of Brno. It can be visited by the public, although its popularity means you have to book a place on its tours long in advance.
Above all, you can experience the living area at the centre of the house. To say that this has two glass walls, an open plan and clean, modernist style is like saying that Chartres cathedral has pointed arches and big windows. Nor does it get you very much further to describe the beautiful materials acquired from distant regions – macassar ebony for the library and the circular dining alcove; a wall in miraculously thin onyx slabs quarried from the Atlas mountains. Nor the spectacular view of the city, the sense of contact with the garden, the abundant light, nor the way that the steel columns, with their mirror finish, almost disappear.
The point is more that the combination of all these elements is mesmerising. If the plan, with the regular spacing of the columns, is lucid, the dissolving effects of the surfaces confound the senses. Reflections draw the garden foliage inside and the patterns of leaves play off the squirming, fossilised patterns of the stone and the grain of the wood. The creamy-brown onyx is plainly heavy, but it is thin enough that, when hit by the low winter sun, it glows on its inward side. The vanishing columns make the ceiling slab levitate, and when the glass walls disappear into the floor the room becomes a theatre box in the sky. At one end the glass is doubled, with space between the layers wide enough for a cuboid conservatory, which again inverts the perception of outside and in.
The surfaces are lush and the lines are spare. The space is ancient and industrial at once, with the construction methods of office blocks, and a pale linoleum floor combined with classical proportions, the rhythms of a temple and travertine. It is made of different scales of time – the geology of the stone, the tree growth recorded in the wood grain, the seasonal revolutions of the garden, the movement of daylight, the movements of people through the space. Silk curtains made it another place at night.
It is dreamlike, the more so for the way that boundaries are drawn with a sharpness something like the uncanny precision you get in dreams. It is a bubble made of straight lines and right angles. Its illusions are framed with the regular measure of the columns, like bar lines in music, and proportions (of which Mies said, disingenuously: "Proportions don't cost anything").
The house is built against a steep slope, with the living space in the middle one of three levels. Below is the apparatus that sustains it, like the backstage of a theatre – the heating and ventilating, the fur room, storage, laundry and the machinery for operating the windows. Above are the bedrooms and bathrooms of the Tugendhats and their children, and a terrace with a Miesian sandbox, perfectly square, and trellises for roses.
Because of the slope, only the top floor is visible when you approach from the street. You enter and a stair descends through what seems to be ground level to the living space, which in turn seems to hover above the garden, an upside-down sequence which further heightens its quality of apparition. You discover that everything in the house revolves around and sustains the central zone. Other aspects are special enough – the daring simplicity of the exterior and the refinement of the bedrooms would have been sufficient achievements for many architects – but here they support the main event.
All of which could add up to a familiar type of architecture, the uninhabitable masterpiece. Critics latched on to this possibility early, and a German architectural magazine asked, within a year of its completion: "Can One Live in Villa Tugendhat?" Greta and Fritz replied robustly that yes, you could. Their wishes were perfectly fulfilled, they said, and the design allowed different activities happily to co-exist. It was "austere and grand – not in a way that oppresses, but one that liberates". They spoke fondly of the way their children could play on the terrace, and of "sitting in the warm sun and looking out on the snow-covered landscape just as though we were in Davos". Mies later designed the Farnsworth House in Illinois, whose impracticalities drove its owner, Edith Farnsworth, to fury and lawsuits. In Brno, however, he achieved a miraculous union of art and life.
It did not last. Just over seven years after they moved in, the Tugendhats, who were Jewish, foresaw the approach of the Nazis and left for Switzerland, and then Venezuela. When they arrived, the Nazis appropriated the house and rented it out to the Messerschmitt aircraft company. They took the timber lining of the dining alcove and reinstalled it in the town's Gestapo headquarters. Shockwaves from allied bombs blew out the glass walls. The Soviet army took it and stabled horses among the exquisite veneers. After the war, it became a ballet studio, a rehabilitation centre for children with spinal defects and a guest house for the government. In 1992 the Czech and Slovak leaders met here to agree the division of their country. The house was a bubble in time as well as space and Greta's "completely special calm" was engulfed by the tumult of its period.
Its story is too good to go unnoticed by novelists, and it has not: Simon Mawer's 2009 Booker-shortlisted The Glass Room is a lightly fictionalised account of the Tugendhats and their house. Its descriptions of the place are evocative, but nothing can compare with the real thing, which, thanks to the EU millions, is about as close to its original state as could be hoped for. The timber abducted by the Gestapo was rediscovered and returned, having meanwhile become the setting of a student cafeteria, and the vibrant red and green chairs with which Mies furnished the space have been reinstalled. It is also different – it is no longer a private house for a highly privileged couple (which led a snarky critic to call it "modernist snobbery… the renewal of fancy baroque palaces, the seat of a new financial aristocracy") but a three-dimensional artwork and museum piece to be visited by the public.
Brno is a town whose location and identity most Britons, maybe even Observer readers, would be hard put to describe. Yet it has had a way of compressing a lot of history into its locality (rather, one is tempted to say, as it compresses a lot of sounds into its consonant-heavy name). The battle of Austerlitz took place just outside the town; Gregor Mendel invented modern genetics in the town's Abbey of St Thomas and Sigmund Freud was born in the region. In the 1920s the most optimistic time in Czechoslovakia's short life, it was a leading centre of modern architecture, several years ahead of London, for example. The vitality of that time has not returned, but in the Villa Tugendhat something of its spirit lives on.
April 02 2012
John Griffiths obituary
Illustrator whose bold creations adorned Penguin book covers
In the 1950s there was a spectacular flowering of illustrative talent, much of which emanated from the Royal College of Art, in London. There, "commercial art" and "publicity design" were being redefined by Richard Guyatt as graphic design, with Ruari McLean running a rigorous typography course in parallel with Edward Bawden instilling a sense of deep deliberation into the subtle processes of illustration, offering a perfect example of the happy co-existence of fine art and commissioned work. This subtle blend of the refining of an individual voice, combined with the practical associations with industry, helped launch the careers of David Gentleman, Len Deighton, John Sewell and John Griffiths, who has died aged 85.
Gentleman remembers "Griff" at the RCA as shy and self-effacing. These traits are entirely absent from his work; he approached illustration with the sure touch of a linocut artist, a difficult skill at which he excelled. At this time, there was little colour work to be had; if an artist wanted to make a bold statement, it was made in line.
Like Gentleman, John stayed on at the RCA briefly as a junior tutor, an apparently idyllic though hardly lucrative role, which mainly consisted of helping new students negotiate their way around the labyrinthine complex, and developing their own practice with official encouragement. John, who was already married to Barbara Sparks, herself a talented artist in oils and watercolour, found seedy digs off Lavender Hill, in south London – becoming a near neighbour of Gentleman in the process. Both artists would win occasional commissions with largely like-minded organisations: illustrating schools publications such as Time and Tune for the BBC, and producing cover illustrations for Penguin.
Penguin in the late 1950s was engaged in endless internal struggles to come to terms with the inevitable shift from typographic covers to illustration. Soon after the second world war, Jan Tschichold had designed a revised vertical grid to allow sufficient white space for selling blurb, or a telling vignette, but it would take a dozen years for Penguin to adapt it consistently. John's bold line was ideally suited to create strong visual narratives within this austere and limited setting.
Penguin tended to pair illustrators with particular authors; Gentleman with EM Forster and CP Snow, Paul Hogarth with Graham Greene. John interpreted a number of Eric Linklater titles, and then proved just as adept with science fiction. But he could do whimsy too; Penguin relaxed totally for the occasional ephemeral and celebratory publications, and Griffiths provided memorable work for these.
He continued his association with McLean, illustrating wine lists, and then producing the cover and a wonderful visual essay in 1959 on the more eccentric period shopfronts of central London and Brighton, for McLean's innovative arts journal Motif, He would revisit this theme regularly, most notably with the 1964 London Transport poster Rhubarb and Roses, celebrating Covent Garden market, a few years before its closure.
John was born and educated in north London. An only child, he grew up in a house typically devoid of books and artwork. After brief spells in a drawing office and an advertising agency, where he met Barbara, whom he married in 1950, he pursued his overriding ambition to draw, enrolled at the Working Men's College, and progressed to the foundation course at Camberwell and on to the RCA. Then, with two young children, he took the bold and risky step of leaving London and going freelance. They moved to Teston in Kent, which remained the family home for 50 years. He found work where he could; his longest association being with a New Zealand publisher of school textbooks, which he continued to illustrate long into retirement.
This was never an easy or lucrative career and, almost inevitably, he was obliged to return to teaching, a compromise that would benefit countless students at Goldsmiths, where he taught film and television studies, and St Martin's School of Art, with further stints at Medway College of Design and Maidstone College of Art.
John was typical of his generation of versatile illustrators, who could draw straight lines and perfect circles freehand, could produce camera-ready copy, knew how to retouch, match colours, and how different colours and inks printed. Printing and printmaking were his enduring loves, and he hoped to devote himself to silk-screen work on retirement. Instead he took on a full-time caring role for his wife. Some time after her death in 2004, and after a final flourish of printmaking, the ailments of advancing age defeated his unique talents and he had to leave Teston, and join either his son, Edward, in Cambridge, or his daughter, Rachel, in Sanguinet, south-west France. The three agreed on France, where he had two full years, drawing a little, helping at the local school and playing a full part in village life.
He is survived by Edward and Rachel, and his grandchildren, Robbie, Ella, Morgane and Matthieu.
• John Griffiths, illustrator and printmaker, born 2 August 1926; died 13 March 2012
March 31 2012
British Design 1948-2012
V&A, London
Deep in the V&A's tour of modern British design there is a gently patriotic film of 1965, directed by the 29-year-old Hugh Hudson. It shows a day in the life of a middle-class couple, supported and assisted from waking up to bedtime with good-quality British products – alarm clock, toaster, the Jaguar and Moulton bike that take him to work in the Economist building in St James's, London; the coffee-maker, dishwasher, and food blender with which she does her home-making. Also a book on Francis Bacon to distract her, and the calculating machines and typewriters operated by his secretaries in his sub-Mad Men office. And, finally, the manly but tasteful specs he puts on the bedside table before he turns out the light.
"Design and craftsmanship shape our lives for comfort, pleasure and progress," is the text at the film's end, which was commissioned by the Design Council as part of its never-ending attempt to awaken business and the public to the joys and value of good British design.
Hugh Hudson would go on to more flag-waving when he directed Chariots of Fire, using athletes rather than kitchen utensils. Meanwhile the years would pass, factories would close and ever fewer of the artefacts shown would still be designed and built in Britain, by British companies. There are still Jaguar cars, albeit now owned by Indian company Tata, and Moulton bikes. The heirs to the typewriters and calculating machines are designed under the leadership of a Briton, Jonathan Ive, but for Apple Inc of California. Dishwashers and the like are much more likely to be made in Germany.
If there is an obvious narrative to the V&A's exhibition it is the relentless progression from an industrial culture to the post-, ex- or not-very-industrial country we now inhabit, accompanied by what turned out to be elegiac laments, such as Hudson's film. Also by quixotic last stands – above all Concorde, that great socialist project to spend squillions of workers' taxes so that Joan Collins could arrive in New York in time for lunch. The plane was undeniably beautiful and equally undeniably futile, the most spectacular of many doomed attempts to keep up with Americans. (Which, by the way, should be a warning to all those who now say we should imitate the Chinese: we can't and shouldn't.)
There are other trajectories. The exhibition covers the period between the London Olympics of 1948 and 2012, a choice of dates that doubtless earned brownie points and possibly funding but is not especially meaningful in design terms. The "austerity games" of 1948 produced little by way of design except Nissen huts, reused old buildings and creatively recycled tyres. There was, however, quite a nice poster for the Games, with a classical discobolus and Big Ben, which makes an instructive comparison with the flayed-skin ugliness of the 2012 logo. The latter makes no attempt at the former's dignity, but it is horribly memorable, like an advertising tune you can't get out of your head. It belongs to a time when brand effectiveness is everything.
The exhibition really kicks off in 1951, with the Festival of Britain. You are faced on entry with a large fragment of the even larger mural by John Piper, called "The Englishman's Home", which adorned the "Homes and Gardens" pavilion at the festival. In front is spindly metallic furniture by Ernest Race. A little further is the original presentation drawing of the Skylon, the delicate icon of the festival, rendered with graded shadows and reflected light as if it were a classical column.
Together, they display total confidence in the unity of art, architecture and design, and that these disciplines should work together towards collective enlightenment. They also express confidence in the benign power of the state as patron. Even more strikingly there is seen to be no conflict between the Bauhaus ideals and aesthetics of these works and the celebration of British tradition.
Not long after the festival came the coronation, and the same architect, Hugh Casson, designed settings for both. A film clip shows the young Prince Charles gazing from the Buckingham Palace balcony, too young to be outraged by the modernist decorations in front of him.
It wouldn't last, and the exhibition shows the progressive disruption of the festival's cosy unity by the rude boys of 1960s art schools, brutalists, punks and market forces. The celebration of the past also broke away, and the V&A gives space to such things as the films of Merchant Ivory, Brideshead Revisited and Pauline Baines's drawings of Hobbit-populated maps for The Lord of the Rings. In general, things become more raucous and energetic as time progresses, but also more egotistical and less useful. There is a 1950s school in Southwark whose modest concern for the environments of children is heartbreakingly absent from the vast majority of schools built now.
At one point we are treated to another Gesamtkunstwerk, but different from the festival: Damien Hirst's short-lived Pharmacy restaurant in Notting Hill, where art, design and space were fused into something less public-spirited – a fancy eaterie for New Labour poseurs.
Conspicuous by its absence is the Millennium Dome, passed over in silence like private grief. This supposed rerun of the Festival of Britain and billion-pound celebration of British creativity is deemed insufficiently significant to be included here.
In truth, an exhibition like this can't really make any point in particular. It performs the invaluable task of presenting a good sample of artefacts of the past 60 years. It does this better in some disciplines than others – the display of contemporary architecture, for example, relies too heavily on the most polished works of the most established names and so makes the subject less vital than it actually is. At its best it shows things that are just plain beautiful – the obsession with cars that grips many of my gender passes me by, but the outrageousness and grace of the E-type Jaguar makes it the exhibition's best moment.
In the end there is no single story, and the exhibition delivers no more momentous message than that people do stuff, sometimes quite nicely. Its full, waffly title is "British Design from 1948: Innovation in the Modern Age", which is a pleonastic way of saying "here be new things". It would work better as a permanent gallery, where the expectation for coherence is lowered (and, indeed, why does such a gallery not exist?), but it's still an enjoyable romp – sometimes nostalgic, sometimes informative and occasionally provocative – through the delights and follies of the past six decades. It also functions as a celebration of one of the greatest British creations: the network of great art and design schools out of which came most of the designers on show.
Despite its Olympic theme it touches lightly on the Games of 1948 and 2012. While it is nice not to be exposed to more on-message puffery for the latter, it would be great to compare the army-surplus aesthetic of the Austerity Games with the works of what can only be called the Profligacy Games. Another project for another day, perhaps.
Rowan Moore has been named architectural writer of the year at the 2012 LSL Property press awards
March 29 2012
Introducing Show and Tell: data visualisations from around the web
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Infographics are no longer the preserve of designers, it seems. We all have access to free tools that can help us create complex data visualisations simply and easily for ourselves. Get a list of some of the ones we use here.
But some go even further, developing new techniques of seeing the world. Take this Norwegian animation of how people move around the country, based on tax records.
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March 27 2012
March 26 2012
British design in the modern age: from punk bands to boom-time brands
Has the V&A's new show captured British design from 1948 to now? Justin McGuirk enters a world of spindly furniture, punk safety pins – and plastic chicken coops
In 1948, still reeling from the war, Britain steeled itself and cobbled together the first Olympic games of the postwar era. The London Olympics were known as the "austerity games", and yet proved a triumph of resourcefulness. It's with this moment that the Victoria & Albert museum begins its new survey exhibition, British Design 1948–2012 – an irresistible conceit, as London counts down to its second Olympics.
The other key moment in British design was the Festival of Britain in 1951. Then, Britain finally grasped the modernist nettle, seeking to drive manufacturing with a genuine design culture; now, a Britain that is renowned for its design (and not its manufacturing) is about to embark on an Olympic celebration that feels more like the culmination of something than its beginning.
The austerity may be back, but it is difficult to overstate the scale of the political shift that has occurred. The Festival of Britain was the brainchild of a Labour government forging the welfare state; the 2012 Olympics are presided over by a coalition government dismantling what's left of it. Some of this show rubs our noses in that polarity. Here is Jock Kinneir and Margaret Calvert's 1957 design for the national road signage system, going on show the week after it was announced that roads may be privatised. Here are London county council's ambitious postwar social housing programmes, whose corollary today are the "luxury" apartment blocks thrown up by private developers. Then it was the technological finesse of the 300ft Skylon tower; now we have the oligarchical vanity of the Mittal-Orbit structure on the Stratford site, by Anish Kapoor. The exhibition illustrates not just the history of British design, but of British politics.
In a show of such scope, there is an understandable tendency to fall back on the greatest hits. On one level, British Design is a sequence of cliches that we are familiar with. The 1950s are all spindly furniture and molecular patterns; the 60s are about two Minis (a car and a skirt); and the 70s careen from punk's safety pins to Concorde (the only piece of technology in the show that hasn't been surpassed). The 80s are represented by Peter Saville's album covers for Factory Records and a little piece of Manchester's Hacienda nightclub (whose designer, Ben Kelly, also designed this exhibition). Meanwhile, Cool Britannia and the obsession with branding takes care of the 90s, here represented by objects from Pharmacy, the restaurant Damien Hirst opened in London in 1998. (Always more about money and PR than it was about art or design, this episode sits uncomfortably with the rest of the show. But then the "real" design of the period is not much better: if Michael Young's aluminium and vinyl Magazine sofa, which belongs in a tacky nightclub's VIP area, is the pinnacle of 1990s furniture design, the decade itself was not a high point.)
There is little in the way of revisionism or controversy here; but if the objects are overfamiliar, the subtexts running through them are less so. Avoiding a simplistic chronology, the curators have chosen to define the characteristics of British design thematically. The middle section of the show focuses on subversion. From the late 1960s, a younger generation of creative talent fostered in the British art school system began reacting against the paternalistic impulses of the postwar rebuilders, swapping consensus for dissent. From pop music to fashion, the alternative was suddenly the answer. Samples here include David Bowie and the outlandish outfits of glam rock, the Sex Pistols' anti-aesthetic, Ron Arad and Tom Dixon's salvaged-metal furniture. You could throw in the architecture of Zaha Hadid who, before she was a star, was a kind of one-woman subculture. Hadid spent decades in the wilderness, failing to get her deconstructivist designs built. This anti-authoritarian streak, by turns camp and punk, has become one of the defining features of Britain's cultural self-image; it's a spiky brand identity that Wolff Olins' Olympic logo has attempted to make official.
The role recession has played in shaping Britain's design identity is one of the more revealing themes. The Festival of Britain was conceived as a means of stimulating the economy, while punk and the creative salvage scene were born of the economic crises of the 1970s and early 80s. In 1986, James Dyson had to take his famous vacuum cleaner design to Japanese manufacturer Apex, because no recession-weakened British manufacturer would take it on. Industrial decline is a bigger story, of course, and yet many of the innovations of the last three decades have been responses to it. When the Sinclairs and Amstrads of Britain's personal computer industry could no longer compete with America and Japan, they moved from software to hardware. Today, British computer game designers are lead players in an industry that's now worth more than Hollywood, responsible for such successes as Tomb Raider and Grand Theft Auto.
How does the story end? What does a show that is part of the flag-waving runup to the Olympics tell us about British design today? In the end, not that much, partly because it is drawn mainly from the V&A's own collection, and museum collections are weakest when it comes to contemporary artefacts.
The last decade is much richer than you would think from the few pieces shown here; as the show approaches the present, the narrative threads that run so richly through the rest – of tradition versus modernity, of youth versus authority – begin to fray. The Olympic buildings are here, as well as a plastic chicken coop manufactured by Omlet in Britain (a huge commercial success). The latter at least raises the question of whether manufacturing might start to return from Asia, now the costs of outsourcing are rising.
Troika's Falling Light installation (2010), a programmed chandelier that precipitates light like raindrops, is probably the most representative example of contemporary British design. Neither a product nor an artwork, this is innovative for its own sake and was made by a group of designers from France and Germany living in London. It shows us that the boundaries of design are dissolving, and that it is time for us to dispense with the notion of "British design" altogether. The UK's design scene is now nothing if not international, and London, in particular, is a magnet for talent from all over Europe. The question is, once the Olympics are behind us (and we have another recession to kick against), how will design in Britain reinvent itself again?
March 25 2012
Roath Lock studios, Cardiff
The new BBC Wales studios are all about front – as well as Doctor Who
For nearly a century, architects have viewed facades with mistrust, going on fear and loathing. This feature, almost universal in all previous architecture, ever, came to be seen as fake and deceitful, as something like the hypocritical morality of the 19th century, and contrary to the modernist ideal of displaying the inner nature of a building on the outside. In the 1960s the architects and theorists Robert Venturi and Denise Scott Brown led a reaction, praising what they called the "decorated shed", but by the 1980s the revived facade was being abused as a postmodern wrapper for bankers' palaces, which seemed to prove that the fear and mistrust had been justified.
The new Roath Lock studios for BBC Wales in Cardiff are, architecturally speaking, almost all facade. There are 250 metres of it, looking across an old dock to the trophies of Cardiff's 25-year efforts at renewal – the Welsh Assembly Building by Rogers Stirk Harbour + Partners, and the Wales Millennium Centre on the site where Zaha Hadid's doomed opera house was once planned. Around the studios is empty space awaiting development under a regeneration plan backed by the Welsh government, and behind is a bit of Cardiff's docks that is still in use for shipping.
The studios are built on the success of Doctor Who and its spin-off Torchwood, just as Cardiff's finest buildings were once founded on coal. The phenomenal popularity of the Time Lord's show, which since its revival in 2005 has been made in Wales, has helped provide the funds and confidence to build a £20m complex where the programme is now made. A corridor in the new building has been named "Russell's Alley", in tribute to the contribution of the Doctor Who executive producer and screenwriter Russell T Davies.
The aim of the new building is to provide ample, well-appointed, highly sustainable production and post-production facilities for the making of Doctor Who, Casualty, Upstairs Downstairs and the BBC's longest running soap opera, the 37-year-old Welsh-language Pobol y Cwm. It means that scattered facilities can be brought together: the downstairs in Upstairs Downstairs, for example, used to be several miles away from the upstairs. Now they are under the same roof.
The complex consists of large sheds interspersed with functional courts and alleys, as in a Hollywood film lot, punctuated with sets of extreme specificity. For Casualty, the mediocre design of a PFI hospital is recreated with uncanny precision, down to the ridiculous public art in the car park. For Pobol y Cwm they have built a chapel front, an estate agent and chippy, and little back gardens with immaculately reconstructed B&Q decking.
Unusual design requirements include corridors wide enough for two Daleks to pass, and a recreation of Holby City hospital's car park in precisely the same orientation as the one in its former location in Bristol. The fear is that meteorologically aware Casualty nerds will bombard the Beeb with complaints if they spot that the shadows are falling in a different way. They also had to make sure that an ambulance could roar into the place without hitting any buildings.
Amid all this stage architecture, what might be called "proper" architecture – as in, designed by architects and written about by architectural critics – doesn't get much of a look in. After all, not even the greatest geniuses in the history of the art, not Palladio nor Wren nor Le Corbusier, have performed spatial magic to match the big-inside-small-outside effect of the Tardis.
Nor is this new building a work of the BBC in Medici mode, as they were in the early days of their expansion of Broadcasting House. It is more like the installation of BBC North at MediaCity in Salford, where a hopefully business-like deal was struck with the developer of a publicly assisted regeneration project. In Cardiff their partner was Igloo, an investment fund dedicated to "socially responsible development", who appointed the architects FAT, whose design seems to have taken the BBC somewhat by surprise.
Chris Patten, chairman of the BBC Trust, said it was like a cross between the Doge's Palace and Ikea, which for Sean Griffiths of FAT is mostly a compliment. His practice is, he says, "the UK leader in decorated sheds", which was what was called for here. Or rather, there was no choice but for it to be a shed, only whether to decorate it or not.
The issue, says Griffiths, was "how do you give any life at all to an immensely long elevation with only one door", which looks onto a quayside awaiting development and currently populated only by some hardy black pines, chosen for their ability to survive salty air. It has to deal with a problem common to incomplete regeneration projects, which is how to suggest life that is not yet there. A laughable hotel across the water, with a frantic roof in the style of Santiago Calatrava, shows how not to do it.
The BBC, moreover, are extremely sensitive about giving away future plotlines and details, and don't want people looking into their studios. The windows to the cafeteria are frosted, in case anyone peers in, sees a new Doctor Who alien having a cup of tea and goes viral with phone-snaps of it. Transparency, a favourite trope of modern architects, is therefore not possible.
FAT, who need little encouragement to come up with such things, have responded with a facade that is mannerist, baroque and "sci-fi retro", which has big cross-shaped windows in reference to Casualty, and gothic octofoils in homage to William Burges, the exuberant Victorian who built his greatest works near here. It is, says Griffiths, "a bit mountain-y" and "a bit wave-y", in response to the local landscape. You can detect the shapes of houses like those in Pobol y Cwm that "morph into space invaders", with a centrepiece that is "Doctor Who goes to Las Vegas" or "baroque mixed with what a cyberman looks like".
The aim is to communicate and engage, to escape constricting notions of good taste and create a "narrative" with which people can connect – and whether you get all the references is not entirely the point, as opposed to getting the sense that someone is talking to you. "Most people don't go into most buildings," says Griffiths. "The facade is what they experience. If you mention the Taj Mahal, what people think of is the facade." He wants to address "the experience when you are there", rather than the "doodle seen from 20,000 feet" that some iconic architects provide. The elevation is designed to work at different scales, with its exaggerated gables speaking to the view from across the dock, while a lower level squiggle addresses the eyeline of passersby.
If FAT can sound flip they are actually serious. They study historic architecture in a way that few other contemporary architects do, and try to learn from, for example, the effects of layering and depth you get in 16th- and 17th-century Italy. They compose and seek complexity. They want to make their shed seem substantial and "tactile", so they give an exaggerated thickness to its facade.
That the results are not precisely like those of Florence or Rome is due to the ferocious constraints of time and money under which buildings are now built, and the contracts that limit the architect's role to specific areas. FAT would have liked to spread their influence deeper into the building – to the somewhat basic reception and cafeteria areas, for example – but it was not possible. "Computers and Excel spreadsheets make the world," says Griffiths, "and it's a strange assumption to think that architects have any power to change it." FAT's attitude is rather to make the best of what they've got.
Making the best of it in this case leads to a facade where their escape from good taste has been achieved with exceptional success, but which might fairly be described as stonking. It is bold, engaging, rich, entertaining and complex. It commands its tough site and helps you forget that this zone is still largely wasteland. It achieves something beyond the abilities of many current architects, which is to make a very big facade. Of all the BBC's recent adventures in architectural patronage it is, by accident, one of the most successful.
March 23 2012
Art nouveau – a magical style
It might not be fashionable, but the whiplash curves and dream-like women of art nouveau have never quite gone away
In genteel hotels and the parlours of elderly aunts, there are ornaments with the unsung magical properties of an Aladdin's lamp. Apply a little loving elbow grease to this brass lampstand, modelled on a willowy woman, or that chair with the unfeasibly high back, and you are transported back to the enchanted world of art nouveau. This highly decorative style, with its trademark whiplash curves, might strike us as fussy or chintzy, more than 100 years after its heyday, but while it might not be fashionable, the style has never quite gone away. It was first revisited in the 1960s, when its taxonomy of dream-like women and exuberant plantlife was a perfect fit with the era of free love and flower power. The last major exhibition of art nouveau at the V&A, in 2000, was one of the biggest hits in the museum's history. And now one of the best collections of it anywhere is on show at the Sainsbury Centre for Visual Arts, Norwich.
There was, in fact, never anything maiden aunt-ish about art nouveau. It was decadent and Darwinian. The all-embracing, all-explaining wonder of Nature (Nature rather than God) inspired everything from women's fashions to the entrances of the Métro stations in Paris, designed by Hector Guimard. The French glassmaker Emile Gallé crystallised Darwinian ideas about nature in vases inspired by plants and insects, while the Parisian jeweller, René Lalique, dressed society beauties in unlikely trinkets modelled on beetles and frogs.
Far from being cosy and twee, art nouveau was the outrageous aesthetic of the bordello and the pornographer, of the daring "new woman". The lovelies who still waft through the pages of art nouveau calendars were modelled on the prostitutes of belle époque Paris. Toulouse Lautrec painted them, and the émigré Czech illustrator Alphonse Mucha effectively invented the modern poster with his rapturous likeness of Sarah Bernhardt. Parisians loved the posters so much that they tore them down and carried them home to brighten their own walls.
Bernhardt begged Oscar Wilde to write a vehicle for her, and he obliged with Salome. The designer for the play was Aubrey Beardsley, whose flair for delicate, wistful penmanship was equalled only by his bracing vulgarity. At the age of 19, he burst on to an art scene suffocated with late Victorian piety. He brought with him the affectless flatness of Japanese art – and its erotic throb. His vision of Salome was dark, sexy and scandalous.
The "new woman" not only figured in art nouveau, but created it as well. Charles Rennie Mackintosh, who designed the Glasgow School of Art as well as those vertiginous chairs, said that while he had talent, his wife Margaret Macdonald had genius. Her forte was painting in gesso on panels. In 2008, her The White Rose and the Red Rose sold for £1.7m, then a record price for a Scottish artwork. At the other end of the country, Mary Watts wasn't content with being the helpmeet of the Symbolist painter GF Watts. At their home in Surrey, she created one of the great hidden curios of British architecture, the Watts Chapel, with its florid riot of fertility symbols, Christian imagery and Arthurian fantasy.
In Vienna the Secession movement championed the Gesamtkunstwerk or the total work of art – your house, clothes and everyday utensils, not just the paintings on your wall, were all part of it. Gustav Klimt, the acknowledged master of art nouveau, suffused his great friezes for the University of Vienna with contemporary ideas on the natural world, faith, and relations between the sexes. In a bleak coda to his career, some of them were looted by the Nazis and set on fire by SS troops fleeing the advancing allies. The world had long since wearied of art nouveau's glitter. But it's time once again to rediscover its beauty, not to mention its edge-of-the-seat boldness.
• Part one of Sex and Sensibility: The Allure of Art Nouveau is on BBC4 on 26 March at 11.25pm.
The best of British design
From the Mini to the iMac, the V&A celebrates six decades of innovation. Fiona MacCarthy, the Guardian's design writer when the country discovered its sense of style, reflects on a long tradition of iconoclasm and inventiveness
This year's V&A blockbuster exhibition focuses on British design and innovation. It should be a great show but they have chosen the wrong starting point in making an embarrassingly opportunistic link back to the 1948 London Olympics. The time line should have started two years earlier with the Britain Can Make It exhibition, which not only gave the public its first sight of postwar modern, setting the style for the Festival of Britain, but was actually held at the V&A itself.
Britain Can Make It was a statement of faith. When the exhibition was planned the war was scarcely over. The museum stood empty and bomb-damaged. Even replacing the windows meant diverting London's next two months' entire supply of glass. The theme was the turning of swords into ploughshares, with ingenious displays of British products evolved from new materials and processes developed in the war. The show was hugely popular. The king and queen made a special journey from Balmoral to marvel at a new type of aluminium saucepan displayed beside the exhaust stub of a wrecked Spitfire, and inflatable reclining chairs lined up with dummy weapons. These were proud design innovations of victory. Oh to have been there!
It was a time of touching certainties. Extraordinary to think that the government-supported Council of Industrial Design (COID) was set up before the war's end to encourage good design in British industry. No one troubled to enquire what constituted good design or indeed, more specifically, good British design. They knew it in their bones. It was William Morris's design view gone modern. Design pundits of the period believed implicitly in old Arts and Crafts values of the measured and the modest. Official thinking was embodied in the tweedy twinkling figure of COID Director Gordon Russell, himself a Cotswold craftsman. Shoddiness and showiness were beyond the pale.
For many people, both designers and the public, the Festival of Britain in 1951 came as a revelation. Memoirs of the time stress the unexpected visual excitement of the South Bank exhibition with its free-flowing piazzas, its cafés and walkways dominated by the early space age structure of the Skylon. The atmosphere is captured in old newsreels of couples dancing out on the Fairway through the summer evenings. The festival was gay in the old sense. People loved the zinging colours: orange, lemon and lime green. Ernest Race's jaunty steel rod chairs gave a new sense of possibility to those who up to now had only known Utility. The craving for British "contemporary" furnishing began.
How British in fact was the Festival of Britain? Analysed strictly the answer is "not very". There was lip service in the South Bank exhibition to the English 18th-century picturesque tradition with its vistas and surprises. But on the whole the style of the architecture, cajolingly co-ordinated by a young Hugh Casson, was a gentle form of European modern. A surprisingly high proportion of the architects, designers and artists employed in the Festival were foreigners by birth and professional training. Many of these – FHK Henrion, George Fejer, Stefan Buzás, Peter Moro, Bronek Katz, architect of the Homes and Gardens Pavilion – had first arrived in Britain as political refugees in the decade before the war.
But what did make the festival so absolutely British was its sense of moral fervour. As Michael Frayn defined it in a wonderful essay "Rainbows over the Thames" (recently republished in Frayn's Travels with a Typewriter) the festival was "herbivore" Britain in action, a project of the left-leaning do-gooders of the period intent on creating improved living conditions for a nation just surfacing from wartime suffering.
Better homes for the people were high on the agenda. Early visitors were transported by river bus to Poplar to marvel at the show houses of the Lansbury Estate, promise of the coming New Towns, such as Harlow. Just along the river bank from the South Bank exhibition rose the purpose-designed people's culture palace of the Royal Festival Hall. The impulse of the time leads us back to William Morris and his radical art-for-the-people politics. The Festival of Britain was a visionary moment when many young British designers and architects discovered their idealistic metier.
In another two years the scene had changed completely. Clement Attlee's Labour government was ousted, the socialist landmarks of the South Bank site demolished. All was pomp and ceremony by 1953, the year in which the young Queen Elizabeth was crowned. The V&A exhibition promises to analyse the rapid shifts of mood, the creative interplay of innovation and tradition in our British design history. It's an interesting idea, though a hard one to bring off. The really fascinating thing about that coronation, watched by so many on their newly bought TVs, was its sheer finesse and professionalism, exploiting the skills of photography, dress design and staging to uphold the status quo of monarchy. Such visual manipulations still continue, as we saw in the beautifully synchronised royal wedding of Prince William and Catherine Middleton.
It was really only in the 1950s that design began to be identified as a profession. The postwar reorganisation of the Royal College of Art under a dynamic new rector, Robin Darwin, meant that students were now being trained specifically to design the products being made by British industry. Designers raised their profile, became recognised and glamorous. Most glamorous of all were the Days, Robin and Lucienne, who were actually featured together in a Smirnoff vodka ad. Both the Days were exceptionally good designers. Robin's furniture and Lucienne's textiles had a freshness and intelligence outstanding in their time. But their fame also arose from the fact that they were married, a designer couple both pursuing their professions, independent though related. The Days exemplified emerging social patterns with which design has been inextricably entwined.
Design had been a quiet thing in this early period. People were still biddable, visiting the Design Centre in Haymarket before they made a purchase, surveying the products selected as good British design by official committees and marked with the black-and-white triangular swing ticket of approval (itself a fine example of the graphics of the time). These official approved products – convertible settees, refrigerators, coffee percolators – had a uniform sedateness. Edward Heath was seen in the Design Centre making earnest notes.
Then all of a sudden earnestness was over. I was the Guardian's design correspondent in the mid-1960s so I had a ringside seat as the primness of Design Centre selectiveness gave way to eclecticism, jollity, pastiche. The swinging sixties ethos took over so quickly. One week I was reporting Design Centre awards; the next I was writing an analysis of London's takeover by gonks. The design hierarchy was faced with a dilemma identified by the then COID director Paul Reilly in an anguished article "The Challenge of Pop".
I saw Habitat open in 1964. This was Terence Conran's first shop for "switched-on people", introducing a new interpretation of the modern which was not clean-lined correctness but comfort and robustness. Conran's word for it was "gutsy". The style espoused by Conran was not strictly British but reflected the exuberant romance of the Mediterranean street market. London was going through a phase of Francophilia. Len Deighton's cookstrip Où est le garlic? was a comparable figment of the time.
There has been much debate recently, with Conran reaching 80, on his real influence on design in Britain. I am in no doubt that his crucial importance has been in giving the British their own confidence in making a personal environment for living. Conran successfully commercialised the concept of "the art that is life" first formulated by John Ruskin. He taught us the putting together of a look.
It is quite feasible to castigate the 60s for its flashiness, its sexism, its irritating silliness. But in the context of design what I most remember was a glorious sense of excitement and relief. After late 50s frumpiness and frowziness there was a kind of heaven in the sheer precision of a geometric Vidal Sassoon haircut and a minimalist Mary Quant striped gym slip. The two-door Mini car designed for BMC by Issigonis; the E-type Jaguar; the "Stowaway" Moulton bicycle. Then there was Concorde. These were beautiful, technically innovative products that became almost the symbols of a modern youthful Britain. It was at this moment that British design acquired the confidence and daring other nations still attempt to emulate.
They were hippy times too. Alongside the hard-edged modern, the zippiness and cheek was the return to droopiness, Pre-Raphaelite soulfulness and the renewed quest for spiritual values and perfection of making. There was an enormous resurgence in the crafts together with a yearning for the simple, more contemplative life away from London. In the 1970s the Guardian valiantly published my four-part survey of far-flung British craft workshops, featuring dedicated furniture-makers, jewellers and weavers, wood turners, basket makers and the multitude of potters working in the mystical tradition of Bernard Leach. British design has been closely allied to the process of making and it could be said that this is still its strength.
But sheer anarchic vigour has also been a factor. The V&A curators, Christopher Breward and Ghislaine Wood, set out to tell a tale in which the straight up-and-down values of old time "good design" were gradually subverted, transformed, re-energised to the point at which British imaginative wildness became one of the wonders of the world. They're certainly right to have fixed the starting point for the invention of anarchy at the famous Independent Group exhibition This is Tomorrow at the Whitechapel Gallery in 1956.
They are also correct to relate the growing mania for cocking a snook at the establishment to the "impulsive radicalism" of the British art school scene. A cult of student disrespect was burgeoning within the art school system, which had much expanded by the later 60s. This hatred of authority became a prime artistic motif in that period of creative provocation. Vivienne Westwood and Malcolm McLaren opened their first shop, Let it Rock, in 1971, drawing on the stylistic chaos of British teenage fashion, mixing media, mixing messages, with the proviso that all of them were rude.
Six years later the artist Jamie Reid designed his Never Mind the Bollocks album cover for the Sex Pistols. There were consciously startling realignments of street culture, fashion, art, graphics and punk music, reflected in the magazines i-D and the Face, directed by the brilliantly anarchic graphic designer Neville Brody from 1981. Though to some the cult of disrespect was hideously shocking, in fact it is endemic to the national character. We have only to think of Gillray's 18th-century anti-monarchical cartoons to see it as a healthy and indeed a necessary part of Britishness.
British design had been born out of a hope of improving design standards in industry. By the mid 80s such simple good intentions were evaporating fast. Living as I was in Sheffield, I was well aware of the rapid decline of the manufacturing that had once sustained that city of the metal trades. Huge warehouses stood empty, factories closed down. It was a scene of desolation repeated right through Britain as other towns and cities wedded to manufacturing lost their raison d'être.
But design in Britain has had a great resilience. This became a period of creative nihilism, of art out of the debris. Tom Dixon's Creative Salvage exhibition featured furniture welded from rusting scrap metal. Ben Kelly's transformation of an abandoned warehouse in Manchester into the now legendary Hacienda club closely linked to the rise of acid house and rave music, helped to resurrect the city, managing to rebrand Manchester as the epitome of cool.
The Thatcher years have been viewed by design purists as an abysmal period of decline. Certainly the so-called "creative industries", with their attendant large corporate design teams, tended to deal more in image than in substance. We do not need to ask what Ruskin would have thought of them. But the 80s were not wholly bland. Young British fashion designers were in demand, acclaimed for their originality and strangeness. It was back in 1984 that John Galliano was recruited by Givenchy on the strength of his Central St Martin's student show based on a French revolutionary street scene. When he moved to Dior, Galliano was succeeded by another recent British fashion graduate, Alexander McQueen. The leading French couture houses became dependent on romantically fervid British fantasies and dreams.
We need to recognise how much British design has been done for foreign companies. The veteran industrial designer Kenneth Grange, a star of the period covered by the exhibition at the V&A, appears at first sight the epitome of Britishness, son of an East End policeman, designer of the High-Speed Train (the InterCity 125) and London taxi. Yet much of his best work was manufactured in Japan.
With British designers wanted by foreign companies and foreign design students flocking to our art schools, nationalistic distinctions are eroded. Zaha Hadid's sinuous Aquatics Centre is the most spectacular of the London Olympic buildings. Hadid, born and trained in Iran, now works in London. But her style of architecture is intrinsically global. The question the V&A show poses is whether in a world of fast-moving visual communication British design has qualities that make it recognisably British anymore.
What we do have in this country is a long tradition of dogged inventiveness, going as far back as Brunel and the great Victorian engineer-constructors. British design history is full of brilliant boffins, manic problem-solvers working for that great eureka moment. Think of Barnes Wallis and those bouncing bombs in wartime, James Dyson developing the bagless vacuum cleaner that revolutionised the species. From the Sinclair ZX80 home computer of 1980 to Jonathan Ive's iMac for Apple, British design has had a constant fascination with exploring the far reaches of possibility.
Recent large-scale exhibitions at the V&A have been analyses of styles from Arts and Crafts and art deco to postmodernism. Enjoyable and expert as these were, British Design is a great deal more ambitious and potentially important. Our proven prowess in design has become a crucial factor in our hopes for economic recovery. Meanwhile, enticingly, the exhibition offers a colossal panorama of our collective visual memories.
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