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November 24 2012

02mydafsoup-01

[...]

The issue here is not whether Anonymous activists can be rightfully prosecuted: acts of civil disobedience, by definition, are violations of the law designed to protest or create a cost for injustices. The issue is how selectively these cyber-attack laws are enforced: massive cyber-attacks aimed at a group critical of US policy (WikiLeaks) were either perpetrated by the US government or retroactively sanctioned by it, while relatively trivial, largely symbolic attacks in defense of the group were punished with the harshest possible application of law enforcement resources and threats of criminal punishment.

That the US government largely succeeded in using extra-legal and extra-judicial means to cripple an adverse journalistic outlet is a truly consequential episode: nobody, regardless of one's views on WikiLeaks, should want any government to have that power. But the manifestly overzealous prosecutions of Anonymous activists, in stark contrast to the (at best) indifference to the attacks on WikiLeaks, makes all of that even worse.

[...]

Prosecution of Anonymous activists highlights war for Internet control | Glenn Greenwald guardian.co.uk 2012-11-23
Reposted bywikileaksdatenwolfcheg00

November 18 2012

02mydafsoup-01
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Heinrich Schütz. Musikalische Exequien - YouTube

Veröffentlicht am 29.03.2012 von Alberto Sosa

Heinrich Schütz. Musikalische Exequien op. 7, SWV 279 - 281

1.- Concierto en forma de misa de funeral alemán
2.- Motete: Herr, wenn ich nur Dich habe
3.- Canticum Simeonis: Herr, nun lässest Du Deinen Diener

La Chapelle Royale
Philippe Herreweghe

November 09 2012

02mydafsoup-01

November 07 2012

02mydafsoup-01
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Gar Alperovitz, Seattle - Oct 3, 2012 - YouTube

Veröffentlicht am 04.10.2012 von ToddBoyle

Gar Alperovitz, Seattle Town Hall - Oct 3, 2012 immediately after the public screening of the presidential debate between Romney and Obama.

--------------------------------------

// oAnth: a speech which has the quality to become iconic!

- democratization of ownership

- coops

- financing sector

- crisis and creativity

November 30 2011

02mydafsoup-01
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29.11.2011 Oben bleiben und Immergrün! bis neulich Dienstag Volker Pispers! die Bananenrepublik
Uploaded by Bananenrepublik1 on Nov 29, 2011
Reposted byteijakool teijakool
02mydafsoup-01
Posting Youtube-Videos via Bookmark-Macro stopped working two days ago. Posting the code manually on soup using the "video"-template works fine, though.

using iceweasel 10.0a2 (= firefox on debian) on linux. didn't work on firefox 8 under windows 7, either.

can anyone confirm this or is it just me?

---------------------------------




// oAnth [2011-11-30 - 11.45 a.m, CET (UTC + 01:00)]


Dear @kitchen, and to whom else it may concern:

Again (and again) neither  the automatic RSS-upload functionalities nor the manual ones are working on my accounts since about 2 days in any aspect.

Further is any kind of video embedding via content menu or via bookmarklet completely refused.

[W_xp SP3]

via my SOUP.IO STATUS linked in my header

// oAnth [2011-11-30 - 1.35 p.m, CET (UTC + 01:00)]

the problem with video embedding seems to be fixed meanwhile.

[2011-11-30 - 9.00 p.m, CET (UTC + 01:00)]

Also the problem with RSS import is on its way to reach normal status back.
Reposted fromwaka waka viam68k m68k

November 23 2011

Play fullscreen
Egyptian Protests Rage On

Egyptians say this is not a second revolution, it's a continuation of the first one


Reposted by99percent 99percent

Egypt Protests Defy Mounting Crackdown As Military Refuses to Step Down

www.democracynow.org - Egyptian protesters continue to fill Cairo's central Tahrir Square over the ruling military council's refusal to immediately transfer power to a civilian government. In a televised address on Tuesday, the head of Egypt's military council, Field Marshal Mohamed Hussein Tantawi, said he has accepted the prime minister's resignation and that the military is ready to relinquish power if Egyptians call for that in a referendum. But protests only intensified after Tantawi's speech and security forces unleashed a barrage of tear gas. Over the past five days at least 38 people have been killed, thousands injured, and at least 15 journalists attacked as Egypt has witnessed the largest protests since the fall of Hosni Mubarak. "[Tantawi] essentially offered some minor concessions that were not demanded by any of the protesters in Tahrir," says Democracy Now! correspondent Sharif Abdel Kouddous reporting from Cairo. "Many compared the speech to Mubarak's second speech on February 1st where he made some kinds of concessions and used this kind of the tone in the hope of ending the revolution. But the response then and the response now were very similar. ... But the response then and the response now were very similar. Tahrir yesterday was packed with people, really a massive, massive protest. And after the speech ended, you heard this huge reverberation from the crowd, this huge echo of _Irhal_, which means 'leave.'" Kouddous has been on the ground reporting <b>...</b>
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Reposted fromVideosDemocracy VideosDemocracy

Révolution égyptienne, acte II

Je voudrais, avant de commencer ce post, faire un appel à ses lecteurs. Comme vous le savez, ce blog comme de nombreuses publications sur ce site ne sont possibles que parce que « Le Monde diplomatique » existe et finance ces activités. Comme tous les ans, nous faisons appel aux dons des lecteurs pour aider et consolider notre indépendance. Je vous invite à y participer, dans la mesure de vos moyens, et à relayer cet appel autour de vous. Les prévisions les plus pessimistes étaient devenues (...) - Nouvelles d'Orient / Égypte, Jeunes, Mouvement social, Répression, Frères musulmans
02mydafsoup-01

Händel's Ode for the Saint Cecilia's Day, 1739
- poetry: John Dryden - Song for the Saint Cecilia's Day 1687
  

Overture, recitativo accompagnato & chorus

From harmony, from Heav’nly harmony
          This universal frame began.
     When Nature underneath a heap
          Of jarring atoms lay,
     And could not heave her head,
The tuneful voice was heard from high,
          Arise ye more than dead.
Then cold, and hot, and moist, and dry,
     In order to their stations leap,
          And music’s pow’r obey.
From harmony, from Heav’nly harmony
          This universal frame began:
          From harmony to harmony
Through all the compass of the notes it ran,
     The diapason closing full in man.

[...]

whole poem with detailed explanations: DRYDEN AND HANDEL

Youtube Playlist (~1h 30 min, not embeddable) with excerpts, readings and short commentaries

- Henry Purcell: Hail, bright Cecilia (text based on Dryden)
- G.F. Händel: Ode for the Saint Cecilia's Day (text by Dryden)
- Joseph Haydn: Missa Cellensis (Cäcilienmesse)




SAINT CECILIA - 1618 - DOMENICHINO (1581-1641)
MUSÉE DU LOUVRE, PARIS


Saint cecilia

St. Cecilia's Day - 22nd of November
- Catholic Encyclopedia
- Wikipedia
Reposted bysiriusminerva siriusminerva

November 22 2011

02mydafsoup-01

November 21 2011

Egypt: The Revolution is Back!

This post is part of our special coverage Egypt Revolution 2011.

Up to 100,000 people are said to be in Tahrir Square now, as police and the army continue to battle with protesters calling for an end to Egypt's military rule. Protesters have had running battles with the armed gunmen working serving the Egyptian government since Friday and are now adamant to stay in the square until their demands are met. So far, reports say that 35 people have died in the clashes.

Among the chief demands is calling for a civil government, to take the place of the Supreme Council for Armed Forces (SCAF), the military establishment which has installed itself as the defacto ruler of Egypt after former President Hosni Mubarak was toppled in February.

NBC's reporter Richard Engel tweets:

@richardengelnbc: #egypt. Perhaps 100 k now in #Tahrir. Big tents going back up

Emirati commentator uploads pictures from Al Jazeera Mubasher showing the crowds:

@SultanAlQassemi: Tahrir square now - time in Cairo 10:40pm on Monday

The scene at Tahrir. Picture by Sultan Al Qassemi from Al Jazeera Mubasher

And Jack Shenker adds:

@hackneylad:

Tantawi effigy hangs from a #Tahrir lampost, same one that held up a Mubarak effigy in January: pic.twitter.com/h7zjZu9s

Tantawi's effigy hanging from a lamp post in Tahrir. Picture by Jack Shenker.

Field Marshall Mohamed Hussein Tantawi is SCAF's commander-in-chief and demonstrators have been calling for his resignation for months.

Marian chants:

@Maroo84: Home! :) Egyptians are amazing! High spirit in the square! WE WON'T SURRENDER! WE WON'T RETREAT :) #tahrir Down with SCAF

But trouble is lurking around the corner, be it from the use of excessive teargas, birdshot or even live ammunition.

Yasmine G shares a photograph of bullets, one made in the US and the other Italy, used against protesters.

@_YasmineG_: Made in Italy and Made in USA these are a kind of bullet that releases a lot of smaller ones #Tahrir #nov19 yfrog.com/nu6gngnj

Bullets made in the US and Italy used to kill Egyptian protesters. Photo by Yasmine G

Bel Trew admits:

@Beltrew: We're checking for snipers using night vision cameras #tahrir

Jonathan Rashad tells us:

@JonathanRashad: Intensive live ammo being used against us now in Mohamed Mahmoud street. The battle has been going on for 57 hours. Casualties are so high.

And Josh Shahryar shares this telling image with us:

@JShahryar: How bad has gunfire been at Tahrir? This image explains it quite well: https://fbcdn-sphotos-a.akamaihd.net/hphotos-ak-snc7/s720×720/374922_310620258948089_279164165427032_1277693_48204579_n.jpg #Egypt via @Elazul

Picture shared on Twitter by @Elazul showing the extent of the gunfire in Tahrir

Meanwhile, activist Mona Seif visited the morgue where many of the martyrs killed in the police attacks on protesters are kept. She reports:

@Monasosh: All martyrs here at the morgue were murdered by live ammunition,except 2 suffocation from tear gas, & one shattered skull #Tahrir #Mashra7a

adding that there were 23 bodies there [ar]:

23 جثة، 2 منهم جاري التعرف عليهم، و 3 مجهولين. قولوا للأهالي ييجوا يتعرفوا عليهم
@Monasosh: There are 23 bodies here. Two are being identified now and three are unknown. Tell the families to come and identify them.

This post is part of our special coverage Egypt Revolution 2011.

Egypt: Revolutionaries Shrug at Cabinet Resignation

This post is part of our special coverage Egypt Revolution 2011.

The Cabinet of Dr Essam Sharaf has just asked if it could resign and the Supreme Council for Armed Forces (SCAF) is yet to decide whether it would accept their resignation or not. For activists and protesters battling police and the army for the third day in and around Tahrir Square, the news does not bring anything new to the table. Their main demand is for SCAF to leave power and hand over authority to a civil government.

In February, SCAF took over after Hosni Mubarak was ousted after Egyptians demonstrated for 18 days. Since then, Egyptians complain that the new military rulers have worked against the revolution and its goals. Chief among the protesters' cries is the resignation of Field Marshall Mohamed Hussein Tantawi, SCAF's commander-in-chief.

Mona Eltahawy tweeted earlier today:

@monaeltahawy: During #Jan25, army watched as police shot protesters. Now army shooting alongside police. Clear whose side #SCAF is on #Tahrir

This sentiment is clear from the way Tahrir received news of the Cabinet's pending resignation. Mohammed Effat tweets from Tahrir:

@3effat: someone just spread the news of the Cabinet's resignation, people didn't even pay attention to him #Tahrir

and adds:

@3effat: protester said: “its Tantawy and SCAF the problem not the fuckin cabinet” #Tahrir

Over the past few minutes, conflicting news continued to flow on both news and social media outlets.

UAE commentator Sultan Al Qassemi tweets that SCAF has just accepted the cabinet's resignation:

@sultanalqassemi: Breaking Al Jazeera: SCAF accepts Egyptian government resignation

Soon, journalist Hind Hassan reports:


@hindhassan
: So Egyptian State TV says cabinet resignation has NOT been accepted by #SCAF despite earlier reports to the contrary. #EGYPT

On Twitter, netizens react to the news.

Journalist Blake Hounshell reminds us:

@blakehounshell: The cowardly and toothless Egyptian cabinet has offered to resign: last time this happened they stayed in their posts.

The ploy is not lost on Mohamed El Dahshan. He writes [ar]:

تذكير: تقديم شرف أو العيسوي كبش فداء لا يكفي. المشير و المجلس لازم يرحلوا!
@TravellerW: Reminder: Offering Shareef or El Essawi as sacrificial lambs is not enough. The Marshall and the Council [SCAF] should leave!

Political commentator Shadi Hamid wonders whether the parliamentary elections, slated to begin on November 28, will be effected. He notes:

@shadihamid: Hope this chain doesn't happen, but it might: PM resigns, new govt appointed, elections delayed. #Egypt

The Arabist adds:

@arabist: The resignation of Egypt's cabinet can only quell unrest if the one that replaces it has credibility.

And Egyptian Amira Salah-Ahmed concludes:

@Amiralx: If resignation is rejected and ministers go back to work then they're weak and complicit in violence. Pack ur shit and get out of office!

Meanwhile, the action continues in downtown Cairo, around Tahrir - as well as in other provinces across Egypt.

Jon Jensen just reports:

@jonjensen: Police firing heavily at crowd on Mohamed Mahmoud. Can hear the shotguns pellets ricocheting off buildings and barricades. #Egypt #Tahrir

This post is part of our special coverage Egypt Revolution 2011.

02mydafsoup-01
02mydafsoup-01

Programme of the Socialist Revolutionary Party, 1905

In its cultural and social relations, contemporary Russia increasingly enters into closer and closer ties with the advanced countries of the civilised world, while at the same time it preserves a number of peculiarities that have been formulated by the course of its past history, its local conditions, and its international situation.

All the advanced countries of the civilised world, parallel to the growth of the population and its basic needs, experience the growth of man's power over nature, the improved means of utilising its natural forces, and the increase of creative power of human work in all the spheres of activity. This growth is an indispensable condition for social progress and for the struggle toward a balanced and harmonious development of human individuality.

But this growth of human control over nature takes place in contemporary society under a condition of bourgeois competition of uncoordinated economic units, of private control of the means of production, of transformation of the latter into capital, and of advance exploitation of the direct producers or their indirect subordination to capital. Parallel to the development of the foundations of contemporary society, society itself increasingly transforms itself into two classes: a class of exploited toilers who receive increasingly lower rewards for the wealth their work creates, and a class of exploiters who have a monopoly on the control of natural forces and the social means of production.

As long as in those narrow frames of bourgeois capitalist relations there develop-albeit one sided and incomplete-forms of collective labour and mass production, so long will the contemporary economic development reveal positive, creative aspects, because it prepares certain material elements for a higher socialist system of life and unites in a compact social force the industrial armies of hired workers.

However, since bourgeois capitalist forms tend to narrow, limit, and impede the development of collective forms of labour and socially productive forces, the contemporary economic development strengthens its negative, destructive aspects: the anarchy of commodity production and competition; sterile waste of its economic forces; crises which shatter the national economy to its foundation; the growth of exploitation; dependence and insecurity of the toiling masses; the corrupting power of money on all moral standards; the selfish struggle of all against all for existence and privileged position.

Mutual relations between the positive and negative aspects of contemporary economic development vary from one branch of industry to another and from one country to another. They are relatively good in more advanced branches of industry and in countries of classical capitalism; they become less and less good in other branches of industry, especially in agriculture, and in countries situated less advantageously in the international economic struggle.

But, regardless of those distinctions, the incompatibility and contradiction between the positive and the negative aspects of contemporary economic development represents a general and growing fact fraught with serious historical consequences.

With the growth of social division between the exploiters and the exploited, with the growth of contradictions between the productivity of labour and the inconsequential reward of workers for their products, and with the increase of the norms of their exploitation, there also grows dissatisfaction among the exploited with their conditions in contemporary society.

The exploiting classes are trying to perpetuate the basis of their existence exploitation through rent, profit on capital in all of its forms, and increased taxes of the toiling masses. By means of syndicates, cartels, and trusts they are trying to control, for their egoistic gains, the means of production as well as consumption. They are trying to appropriate for their class interest all the institutions of the contemporary state and to transform it completely into a weapon of their rule and impoverishment of the exploited. Finally, they are striving to subjugate spiritual and material literature, art, science, and public opinion in order to keep the toiling masses not only in economic but in intellectual dependence as well.

Not possessing any other resources, or having lost them already in the struggle, they are joining hands with the reactionary forces of the dead past, are resurrecting racial and religious animosity, are poisoning national consciousness with chauvinism or nationalism, and are entering into alliances with the remnants of monarchical and Church-clerical institutions.

The bourgeois system has gradually abandoned its former progressive content, has brought intellectual sterility to its ruling classes, has caused the alienation of the intellectual and moral flower of the nation, and has left it to suffer in the hostile camp of the oppressed and the exploited.

The exploited classes naturally are trying to protect themselves from the pressing burden, and in proportion to the growth of their consciousness they are uniting themselves in this struggle and are directing it against the very foundations of bourgeois exploitation. International by its nature, this movement is becoming increasingly a movement of the great majority in the interest of the great majority, a factor that represents the key to its victory.

International revolutionary socialism represents a conscious expression, scientific illumination, and formulation of this movement. Its aim is intellectual, political, and economic emancipation of the working class. It advances above all as an initiating revolutionary minority, as the fighting vanguard of the toiling masses, trying constantly at the same time to merge with the masses and incorporate them into its ranks. Its basic practical aim is to make all layers of the toiling and exploited people awake that they are one working class, that that class is the only hope of their freedom by means of a planned, organised struggle to create a socio-revolutionary upheaval that consists of:

  1. Freeing of all public institutions from control of the exploiting classes.
  2. Eliminating, alongside private property in natural forces and in public means of production, the very division of the society into classes.
  3. Eliminating the contemporary, stratified, compulsory, repressive nature of public institutions while at the same time preserving and developing their normal cultural functions; that is, planned organisation of public work for public good.

The realisation of this programme will make possible an uninterrupted, free, and unhampered development of all spiritual and material forces of mankind. It will also turn the growth of public wealth from a source of dependence and oppression of the working class into a source of prosperity and balanced harmonious development of human dignity. It will also halt the degeneration of mankind from uselessness and superfluity on the one hand, and, on the other, the presence of excessive work and semi-starvation. Finally, only through the introduction of a free socialist society will mankind be able to develop fully its physical, mental, and moral capabilities and introduce realism, truth, and solidarity ever fully into public life. Consequently, the essence of contemporary socialism is the freeing of all mankind. It seeks elimination of all forms of civil strife among peoples, of all forms of violence and exploitation of man by man; instead, it seeks to introduce freedom, equality and brotherhood of all regardless of sex, race, religion or nationality.

The Socialist Revolutionary Party of Russia views its task as an organic, component part of a universal struggle of labour against the exploitation of human dignity, against all barriers that prevent its development into social forms, and conducts it in the spirit of general interests of that struggle in ways that are determined by concrete conditions of Russian reality.

The mutual co-operation between the patriarchal nobility-bureaucratic autocracy and new bourgeois exploitation intensifies the social problem in Russia. The development of capitalism reveals here, more than anywhere else, its dark aspects and, less than anywhere else, it balances the organised creative influence of the growth of public productive forces. The abnormally growing bureaucratic apparatus of the state, as a result of the emancipation of serfs and the development of the kulak system in all of its aspects and forms, increasingly paralyses the productive forces of the village. The tolling peasantry is forced to a large degree to seek help either in subsidiary enterprises or hired labour, and receives from all of its labour an earning that corresponds to the lowest wage earning of an industrial worker. This factor also limits and undermines the domestic market of industry, which in addition suffers from shortages of foreign markets. Surplus population and the capitalist surplus labour force progressively increase, which, because of the competition, lowers the living standards of the city proletariat. The labour movement is forced to develop in conditions of an autocratic regime based on the all-embracing police protection and suppression of individual and public initiative. The class of great industrialists and merchants, more reactionary than everywhere else, depends increasingly on the support of autocracy against the proletariat, and against the toiling masses of the village. In the interest of self-preservation the autocracy has intensified the oppression of the subjugated nationalities of Imperial Russia, has paralysed their spiritual renaissance, has imposed national, racial, and religious antagonism in order to cloud the understanding of socio-political interests of the toiling masses. The existence of autocracy represents an irreconcilable and progressively intensifying contradiction with all of the economic, socio-political and cultural growth of the country. As a reliable ally and pillar of the most exploiting and parasitic classes in Russia, beyond its frontiers Russian autocracy is also one of the main bulwarks of reaction and a great danger to the cause of the freedom struggle of the working parties of other countries. Its overthrow should be the immediate and immediate objective of the Socialist Revolutionary Party, not only as the first indispensable condition for the solution of the social problem in Russia, but also as a major factor of international progress.

The burden of the struggle with autocracy, irrespective of the liberal-democratic opposition, which primarily includes middle class elements of the educated society," falls on the proletariat, the toiling peasantry, and the revolutionary-socialist intellig' entsia. The immediate task of the Socialist Revolutionary Party, which assumes the leading role in this struggle, is to broaden and deepen the social and property changes to pave the way thereby for the overthrow of autocracy.

To realise fully its programme, namely the expropriation of capitalist property and the reorganisation of production and of the entire social system on socialist foundations, it is essential that there be a complete victory of the working class, organised by the Socialist Revolutionary Party, and, in case of need, that there be established a temporary revolutionary dictatorship.

So long as the organised working class, as the revolutionary minority, can exert only partial influence on the change of the social system and legislation, the Socialist Revolutionary Party must see to it that the working class is not blinded by its partial gains and does not lose sight of its ultimate goal; that by its revolutionary struggle the proletariat would seek in this period such changes that would develop and strengthen its solidarity and ability to fight for freedom, would help to elevate its intellectual and cultural needs, and would strengthen its fighting position and eliminate barriers that hinder its organisation.

Since the process of the transformation of Russia is led by non-socialist forces, the Socialist Revolutionary Party, on the basis of the above principles will advocate, defend, and seek by its revolutionary struggle the following reforms:

  • In the Realm of Politics and Legislation The establishment of a democratic republic with broad autonomy for oblasts and communes, both urban and rural; increased acceptance of federal principles in relations between various nationalities; granting them unconditional right to self-determination; direct, secret, equal, and universal right to vote for every citizen above twenty years of age regardless of sex, religion, or national origin; proportional representation; direct popular legislation (referenda and initiatives); election, removability at all times, and accountability of all officials; complete freedom of conscience, speech, press, meetings, strikes, and unions; complete and general civil equality; inviolability of the individual and home; complete separation of the church from the state and declaration that religion is a private affair for every individual; introduction of a compulsory, general public education at government expense; equality of languages; free justice; abolition of permanent armies and their replacement by a people's militia.
  • In the Realm of National Economy
    1. In the matter of labour legislation the Socialist Revolutionary Party sets as its aim the safeguarding of spiritual and material forces of the working class and increasing its capability of further struggle to whose goals should be subordinated all expedient, direct, local, and professional interests of the diverse working strata. In this sphere the Party will advocate: a reduction of the working time in order to relieve surplus labour; establishment of a legal maximum of working time based on norms determined by health conditions (an eight-hour working norm for most branches of industry as soon as possible, and lower norms for work which is dangerous or harmful to health ); establishment of a minimum wage in agreement between administration and labour unions; complete government insurance (for accident, unemployment, sickness, old age, and so on), administered by the insured at the expense of the state and employers; legislative protection of labour in all branches of industry and trade, in accordance with the health conditions supervised by factory inspection commissions elected by workers (normal working conditions, hygienic conditions of buildings; prohibition of work for youngsters below sixteen years of age, limitation of work for youngsters, prohibition of female and child labour in some branches of industry and during specified periods, adequate and uninterrupted Sunday rest, and so forth); professional organisation of workers and their increased participation in determining internal rules in industrial enterprises.
    2. In matters of agricultural policy and land relations, the Socialist Revolutionary Party sets its task to be, in the interests of socialism and the struggle against the bourgeois property system, the utilisation of the communal as well as the labour views, the traditions and way of life of Russian peasants and especially their views on land as the public property of all the toilers. Consequently, the Party will support socialisation of all privately owned lands; that is, their transfer from private property of individual owners to public domain and administration by democratically organised communes and territorial associations of communes on the basis of equalised utilisation. Should this basic demand of the agrarian minimum programme not be realised at once as a revolutionary measure, the Socialist Revolutionary Party in its future agrarian policy will be guided by consideration of a possible realisation of this demand in its entirety, advocating such related measures as: broadening of the rights of communes and their territorial associations in expropriating privately owned lands; confiscation of lands belonging to monasteries, princes, ministers, and so forth, and their transfer, together with state properties, to communes, in order that they would have an adequate amount, and also for the needs of resettlement and redistribution; limiting of payments for the use of land to the amount of clear profit from the farm (less gross revenue of the cost of production and normal remuneration for labour); reimbursement for improvements on land when it is transferred from one user to another; conversion of rent through a special tax into a source of revenue for the communes and self-governing institutions.
    3. In matters of financial policy the Party will agitate for the introduction of a progressive tax on income and inheritance, and for complete freedom from taxation of small incomes below an established norm; it will agitate for the elimination of indirect taxes (except luxury taxes), protective duties, all other taxes that burden labour.
    4. In matters of municipal and land economy, the Party will support the development of all kinds of public services, land agronomy organisation, communalisation of water supply, education, ways and means of communication, and so forth; will support the granting of broad powers to urban and rural communes to tax immovable property as well as the right to confiscate it if this be necessary to improve the living standards of the toiling population; will support communal and zemstvo as well as governmental policy aimed at helping the development of co-operatives on solid democratic foundation.
    5. With respect to various measures aimed at nationalisation of one or another sectors of the national economy within the framework of a bourgeois state, the Socialist Revolutionary Party will support these measures, provided they are accompanied by a democratisation of the political system, by a change in social forces, and that the very nature of these measures themselves would provide sufficient guarantee against increased dependence of the working class on ruling bureaucracy. In general the Socialist Revolutionary Party warns the working class against "state socialism," which is partly a system of half measures for the strengthening of the working class . . . and partly a peculiar type of state capitalism that concentrates various branches of production and trade in the hands of the ruling bureaucracy for their financial and political aims.<

The Socialist Revolutionary Party, in commencing its direct revolutionary struggle with autocracy, agitates for the calling of the Zemskii Sobor {National Assembly} freely elected by the people regardless of sex, social status, nationality, or religion, to liquidate the autocratic regime and to reform all present systems. The Party will support its programme of reform in the National Assembly and it will also try to realise it directly during the revolutionary period.

02mydafsoup-01

The October Manifesto of 1905

On the improvement of order in the state

The disturbances and unrest in St Petersburg, Moscow and in many other parts of our Empire have filled Our heart with great and profound sorrow. The welfare of the Russian Sovereign and His people is inseparable and national sorrow is His too. The present disturbances could give rise to national instability and present a threat to the unity of Our State. The oath which We took as Tsar compels Us to use all Our strength, intelligence and power to put a speedy end to this unrest which is so dangerous for the State. The relevant authorities have been ordered to take measures to deal with direct outbreaks of disorder and violence and to protect people who only want to go about their daily business in peace. However, in view of the need to speedily implement earlier measures to pacify the country, we have decided that the work of the government must be unified. We have therefore ordered the government to take the following measures in fulfilment of our unbending will:

  1. Fundamental civil freedoms will be granted to the population, including real personal inviolability, freedom of conscience, speech, assembly and association.
  2. Participation in the Duma will be granted to those classes of the population which are at present deprived of voting powers, insofar as is possible in the short period before the convocation of the Duma, and this will lead to the development of a universal franchise. There will be no delay to the Duma elect already been organized.
  3. It is established as an unshakeable rule that no law can come into force without its approval by the State Duma and representatives of the people will be given the opportunity to take real part in the supervision of the legality of government bodies.

We call on all true sons of Russia to remember the homeland, to help put a stop to this unprecedented unrest and, together with this, to devote all their strength to the restoration of peace to their native land.

November 20 2011

Des affrontements entre policiers et manifestants font deux morts en Egypte

Les violences, qui ont éclaté dans la matinée au Caire sur l'emblématique place Tahrir ont fait 750 blessés, selon le ministère de la santé, avant de gagner d'autres villes du pays, notamment Alexandrie, Assouan et Suez.

Reposted fromsigalonfrance sigalonfrance

Al-Jazeera : du « printemps arabe » à l'hiver de l'information

Al-Jazeera fête en ce moment son quinzième anniversaire avec des slogans – « L'information, l'opinion, la conscience… » – qui ne craignent pas de verser dans l'auto-célébration ! Plus que jamais, la création des autorités du Qatar semble avoir le vent en poupe. Copie conforme, ou traduction fidèle si l'on préfère, d'une offre internationale elle-même produite sur le modèle nord-américain, personne n'ignore que la première des chaînes d'information du monde arabe n'aurait pu exister et se développer de la sorte sans l'aide généreuse des finances de l'Émirat.
Reposted fromcheg00 cheg00

November 19 2011

02mydafsoup-01
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J. H. Schmelzer-Sonata III in G minor

Uploaded by evoimeneovde on Jul 24, 2010

// Johann Heinrich Schmelzer (c.1620--23 -- between 29 February and 20 March 1680) was an Austrian composer and violinist of the Baroque era. Almost nothing is known about his early years, but he seems to have arrived in Vienna during the 1630s, and remained composer and musician at the Habsburg court for the rest of his life. He enjoyed a close relationship with Emperor Leopold I, was ennobled by him, and rose to the rank of Kapellmeister in 1679. He died during a plague epidemic only months after getting the position.

Schmelzer was one the most important violinists of the period, and an important influence on later German and Austrian composers for violin. He made substantial contributions to the development of violin technique and promoted the use and development of sonata and suite forms in Austria and South Germany. He was the leading Austrian composer of his generation, and an influence on Heinrich Ignaz Biber.
Schmelzer was born in Scheibbs, Lower Austria. Nothing is known about his early years, and most of the surviving information about his background was recounted by the composer himself in his petition for ennoblement of 1673. He described his father as a soldier, but in another document, the 1645 marriage certificate of Schmelzer's sister Eva Rosina, he is listed as a baker. Schmelzer does not mention his father's name, but Eva Rosina's marriage certificate does: Daniel Schmelzer. At any rate, it remains unclear where and from whom Schmelzer received primary music education. His activities before 1643 are similarly unknown--the composer is first mentioned in a document dated 28 June 1643, relating to his first marriage. He is referred to as a cornettist at St. Stephen's Cathedral (Stephansdom), Vienna. The date of his arrival to Vienna is unknown, but he probably worked at the court chapel in late 1630s, in the employ of Ferdinand II and, after 1637, Ferdinand III. Schmelzer's colleagues at the chapel included such distinguished composers as Johann Jakob Froberger, Giovanni Valentini, and Antonio Bertali.

Schmelzer was officially appointed court violinist in 1649. Our knowledge of his position, duties, and activities is incomplete. He apparently rose to prominence as a violin virtuoso, as well as a composer, and enjoyed a close relationship with Emperor Leopold I, who was a well-known patron of the arts and a composer himself. Schmelzer started publishing his music in 1659. He was appointed vice-Kapellmeister on 13 April 1671. On 14 June 1673, after the composer petitioned for ennoblement, the Emperor raised Schmelzer to the ranks of nobility; Schmelzer now added von Ehrenruef to his name. Eventually, after his predecessor Giovanni Felice Sances had died, Schmelzer became Kapellmeister, on 1 October 1679. Unfortunately, he fell victim of the plague early in 1680, and died in Prague, where the Viennese court moved in an attempt to evade the epidemic.
Schmelzer attained a high reputation in a field (violin playing and violin composition) which at the time was dominated by Italians; indeed, one traveler referred to him in 1660 as "nearly the most eminent violinist in all of Europe". Schmelzer's Sonatae unarum fidium of 1664 was the first collection of sonatas for violin and basso continuo to be published by a German-speaking composer. It contains the brilliant virtuosity, sectional structure, and lengthy ground-bass variations typical of the mid-baroque violin sonata.

Schmelzer was the foremost Austrian composer of instrumental music of his day, and had an important influence on the Austrian violinist and composer Heinrich Ignaz Franz Biber (1644-1704), who is believed to have been one of Schmelzer's students.


http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Johann_Heinrich_Schmelzer //



quote from the text to the video

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there are no indications concerning the interprets - IMO it should be Music of the Spheres - read here more about the ensemble via https://magnatune.com/artists/spheres (the linked recordings have in the online version spoken adds during and between the diverse music pieces & movements).



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