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June 20 2018

9246 c8b2 500

garadinervi:

Anna Monika Jost, Olivetti - A contemporary image of style and industry, poster sketch, ca. 1966, Museum für Gestaltung Zürich 

Reposted fromreckon reckon

Bundesnetzagentur: Einigung im Machtkampf um das UKW-Radio

Noch im April drohte für rund zehn Millionen UKW-Radiohörer der Blackout. Nach harten Verhandlungen haben sich die Firmen nun geeinigt.
Reposted from02myEcon-01 02myEcon-01
Trumps Regierung zieht sich aus UN-Menschenrechtsrat zurück
Die EU-Außenbeauftragte Federica Mogherini (hier Anfang Juni in Brüssel) reagierte besorgt auf Amerikas Rückzug aus dem UN-Menschenrechtsrat.
Reposted fromzeitung zeitung

EFEU - DIE KULTURRUNDSCHAU: Der Tanz ist in den Shifts

Offiziell wird der neue Berlinale-Chef erst am Freitag bekannt gegeben, inoffziell sind IndieWire und Tagesspiegel schon ganz glücklich mit der wahrscheinlichen Entscheidung für Carlo Chatrian, bisher Chef des Festivals von Locarno. In der taz erklärt die Choreografin Meg Stuart die Energiewende im Tanztheater. Die SZ erlebt in Paris die Befreiung der Architektur durch Junya Ishigami. Und der Standard lernt von Beyoncé und Jay-Z, dass auch Musik vor Geld stinken kann.
Reposted from02mysoup-aa 02mysoup-aa

9PUNKT - DIE DEBATTENRUNDSCHAU: Im Ungesicherten zu denken

Letztlich kassiert die Politik durch Gesetze wie das Europäische Leistungsschutzrecht das Internet selbst ein, konstatiert The Verge - denn sie scheint es nur mehr als die Sphäre der Giganten zu betrachten. Die Brexit-Anhänger lieben den Brexit mehr als sie das Vereinigte Königreich lieben, konstatiert der Spectator nach Lektüre einer Umfrage. Roberto Saviano äußert sich in Guardian und Freitag entsetzt über die italienische Flüchtlingspolitik. Die NZZ sagt dem Intellektuellen leise Servus.
Reposted from02mysoup-aa 02mysoup-aa

Towards a Reform in Lebanon? Interview with the President of the Constitutional Council ISSAM SLEIMAN

The Lebanese state is a quite complex and rigid political system that is based on the principle of confessional parity. How does the Constitutional Council of Lebanon fit in this system?

The Constitutional Council is composed of ten members. Five members are elected by the Parliament and five are appointed by the Council of Ministers by a two-thirds majority. The members' term of office is four years, non-renewable. The presidents of the Constitutional Council are elected for three years, which can be renewed for a second term. The Council was established by the the law no-250 in 1993. The first article of this law characterizes the Council as a constitutional institution of jurisdictional character. Nevertheless it is not part of the judiciary. It is independent from all other branches of government! It is independent from the legislature, the executive and the judiciary.

In contrast, the German Federal Constitutional Court is part of the…

… judicial system. No, here [in Lebanon] we are independent. Like in France. In Lebanon the Constitutional Council is a constitutional institution of jurisdictional character. Why jurisdictional character? Because the decisions it takes have the authority of the concerned matter and can’t be appealed. These are definitive decisions.

The Taif agreement, which ended 15 years of civil war in Lebanon, included the foundation of a Lebanese Constitutional Council. With the Parliament’s decision in 1990, the agreement became part of the Constitution – but not entirely. Why?

The Taif agreement states that the Constitutional Council is charged with the interpretation of the Constitution, the review of the constitutionality of laws and conflicts over presidential and parliamentary elections. When they [the politicians] modified the Constitution in 1990 in light of the the Taif agreement, they attributed two competences to the Council – only two: constitutional review and the power to rule over conflicts concerning the elections. The Parliament has refused to give the Constitutional Council the competence to interpret the Constitution because most of the parliamentarians insisted that only Parliament itself should have the right to interpret the Constitution.

But in order to control the constitutionality of laws, one necessarily has to interpret the constitution, right?

Yes, the Constitutional Council interprets the Constitution as far as it is controlling the constitutionality of laws. But if there is a conflict between the politicians around the interpretation of a certain article of the Constitution, in this case, there is no institution charged to resolve the conflict. That is a big problem, because the parliamentarians' conflicting interpretations paralyze the institutions and can be overcome only by political compromise, which in turn weakens the constitutional system. That is why I proposed a project to reform the Council. We have to extend its competences! Among the propositions [are the following]: Giving the Council the right to review the constitutionality of organic laws on its own initiative, so it can interpret the Constitution without depending on the initiative of the executive or legislature. Right now, those who have the right to initiate a control are the President of the Republic, the Speaker of the Parliament, the Prime minister or at least ten deputies. Furthermore the leaders of the religious communities acknowledged by the state have the right to submit an issue to the Council, solely if the concerned law affects their personal status laws or religious freedom. In Lebanon, every religious community has its own personal status law. Individuals have no right to submit an issue; the citizens have no access to the Constitutional Council. That is why, among my propositions, I insisted to give the citizens the right to appeal through the courts. Just like the QPC [Question prioritaire de constitutionnalité],  which was adopted by France in 2008.

Apart from the historical influence of the French system on Lebanon, do you consider France to be an ideal model for the future of the Lebanese state or are there others which could serve as inspiration?

Of course, the Lebanese political system was inspired by the French political system. In Lebanon we have a parliamentary system, whereas France has a semi-parliamentary and semi-presidential system. In France the President of the Republic has quite extensive powers, while here he has powers, but they are [more] limited. And yes, I also studied the political system in Germany. The citizens can submit issues to the Constitutional Court all by themselves. That’s more developed than the French system. Concerning the influences: The Constitutional Council is part of the Association of Constitutional Courts using the French Language and attends its meetings regularly. Furthermore we are a founding member of the Union of Arab Constitutional Courts and Councils and the World Conference on Constitutional Justice which have both a close relationship to the Venice Commission.

The term of office for members of the Constitutional Council is limited to six years and can’t be renewed. In the case of expiry Article 4 of the internal regulation states that leaving members stay until their successors have been appointed. It has been nine years since your appointment as a member of the Council. Why didn’t the Parliament and the Council of Ministers appoint your successor yet?

To avoid vacancies at the Constitutional Council, Article 4 of the internal regulation states that the members continue to exercise their function, while waiting on the appointment of their successors. Why new members have not been appointed yet is a political issue; it lacks agreement between the political groups. It is really important to appoint new members, but if they are are not appointed, we will continue to exercise our functions and fulfill our duty. Appointing new members or not appointing them is not our concern.

A few weeks ago, the first parliamentary elections in nine years were held in Lebanon, for which the Parliament adopted a new electoral law. What do you think about the outcome?

The new electoral law is complicated because it is based on the proportional and majoritarian system at the same time. It is a proportional system concerning the preferential vote and a majoritarian system with regard to the electoral lists. It is quite complicated. But this new law enhances the representation of religious  minorities in regions dominated by a majority of another religion. For example: Baalbek-Hermel is a large constituency, in which nearly 90% of the population are Shia and Sunni and only 10% are Christians. In the old system, the christian deputy was elected by Muslims. Now, in the new system, one of the elected Christian deputies in this region belongs to the Lebanese Forces. At Akkar for example, also a region with a Muslim majority, the Free Patriotic Movement has won a greek-orthodox seat. So the system has its inconveniences and advantages.

The confessional system in Lebanon was created to reconcile a plural and deeply divided society. To maintain a certain level of stability and preserve peace. What are the major challenges of the current system?

Take, for example, the representation of the Shia community: it is monopolized by Hezbollah and the Speaker of the Parliament, Nabih Berri. A similar situation can be found with the Sunnis. Before the election the Prime Minister Saad Hariri had 30 deputies, now he has not more than 19 or 20. His opponents within the community have won the other seats. So now we have several Sunni personalities, who are capable of forming a new government. Of course Saad Hariri [remains] the strongest, but he is not as strong as he was before the elections. Therefore our problem lies in the monopolization of representation of specific religious communities in the parliamentary system. This system is not working because it needs a parliamentary majority to form the government and an opposition to hold the government accountable. At present, we can’t form a government without Hezbollah and Nabih Berri. But with them, we also have to integrate the leaders of other religious communities, thus we are obligated to form a national unity government. As a consequence we don’t have opposition inside the Parliament but within the government. The government is not able to take decisions and the Parliament is not able to force the government to resign. That is why our parliamentary system is paralyzed.

But the preamble of the Constitution states that the abolition of political confessionalism shall be a basic national goal.

We have to await both developments in the region and in Lebanon. We can’t create a secular system in Lebanon – in a region that is dominated by religious sentiment. Unfortunately, it is growing more and more. Religious sentiments have never been as strong as nowadays.  In the 50s and 60s, within the factions lead by Christians, we had a lot of Muslim deputies; Sunni, Shia and Druze. Currently the parliamentary factions are very pure in regard to their confessional composition.

The President of the Republic Michel Aoun has expressed his support for your proposition to reform the Constitutional Council. Apart from him, interest among politicians seems inexistent. When do you envision the realization of your project?

Michel Aoun wants to reform the system. But he faces a lot of obstacles. It is not only up to him to decide and unfortunately, most of the politicians don’t accept the idea of reform because they don’t want the Constitutional Council to exercise an effective control over Parliament. That is the reigning mentality among the political class in Lebanon. They don’t want to be controlled by any institution. So in my opinion it will take [at least] eight years, because on the way towards reform we will encounter a lot of obstacles. In general, I wish that the Lebanese political system will evolve to build a real state of law and real democracy. After all, the political order in Lebanon contains a democratic core. We have, for example, a lot of liberties which are guaranteed effectively. But democracy is not only based on freedom but also on justice and social rights. In Lebanon, there are big disparities between rich and poor people and, unfortunately, also interactions between social and confessional fragmentations. The poor are run by the rich. It is not easy to create a real democracy in a society where such disparities can be found.

Questions by Robert Poll.

Reposted from02mysoup-aa 02mysoup-aa
Catastrophic US-Saudi-UAE Attack on Yemen Port City Hodeida Could Trigger Mass Famine
Reposted from02mysoup-aa 02mysoup-aa

Guantanamo Bay Murders ? Sgt Joseph Hickman says CIA killed prisoners

Guantanamo Bay Murders? Sgt Joseph Hickman says CIA killed prisoners
https://www.news.com.au/entertainment/books-magazines/books/guantanamo-guard-cia-killed-prisoners-and-made-it-look-like-suicide/news-story/f5de6037146516c18c259dab07068f2f
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oirOSO4Zz-M

A FORMER Guantanamo Bay guard has spoken for the first time about what he claims was a CIA murder of detainees, covered up as a triple suicide.

Army Staff Sergeant Joseph Hickman was on guard at the Cuban prison camp on the night they died, and calls the official version of events “impossible”.

“They would have had to all three tie their hands and feet together, shove rags down their throats, put a mask over their face, made a noose, hung it from the ceiling on the side of the cellblock, jumped into the noose and hung themselves simultaneously,” the ex-Marine told Vice News in an explosive video interview.

New FOIA Documents Show Guantanamo Suicides Unlikely
https://medium.com/@jeff_kaye/new-foia-documents-show-guantanamo-suicides-unlikely-72ff098fe745

https://cdn-images-1.medium.com/max/800/1*A4yUdMjanOVE024rkJjEAQ.jpeg
Reposted from02mysoup-aa 02mysoup-aa

La troisième génération ouvrière

Samedi 23 mars 2002, au Théâtre de Chelles, un débat sur le « sort des salariés face aux restructurations des entreprises » a lieu avant la présentation de la pièce 501 blues, jouée par cinq ouvrières de l'usine Levi's de la Bassée (dans le Nord) qui ont été licenciées, comme plus de cinq cents de leurs (...) / Éducation, Immigrés, Travail - 2002/06 Transmission
Reposted from02mysoup-aa 02mysoup-aa

Emma Willard, America's First Female Mapmaker

Emma Willard, America’s First Female Mapmaker
https://www.theparisreview.org/blog/2018/06/18/americas-first-female-mapmaker

https://www.theparisreview.org/blog/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/screen-shot-2018-06-18-at-12.40.21-pm.png

A recent item for sale in the rare-book trade caught my eye. Boston Rare Maps had a series of twelve maps created by America’s first female mapmaker, Emma Willard. They were to accompany a textbook she had written, first issued in 1828. The maps for sale were from the second edition.

Willard is well-known to historians of the early republic as a pioneering educator, the founder of what is now called the Emma Willard School, in Troy, New York. But she was also a versatile writer, publisher and, yes, mapmaker. She used every tool available to teach young readers (and especially young women) how to see history in creative new ways. If the available textbooks were tedious (and they were), she would write better ones. If they lacked illustrations, she would provide them. If maps would help, so be it: she would fill in that gap as well. She worked with engravers and printers to get it done. She was finding her way forward in a male-dominated world, with no map to guide her. So she made one herself.

https://www.theparisreview.org/blog/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/screen-shot-2018-06-18-at-12.29.01-pm.png https://www.theparisreview.org/blog/wp-content/uploads/2018/06/screen-shot-2018-06-18-at-12.32.19-pm-1.png

#cartographie #visualisation #femmes #historicisation #Emma_Willard

Reposted from02mysoup-aa 02mysoup-aa

Griechenland soll Verschuldungs-Deal bekommen

IWF und Eurozone scheinen sich auf einen Kompromiss geeinigt zu haben, der Griechenlands Verschuldung bis auf weiteres tragfähig gestalten, das Land jedoch gleichzeitig jahrzehntelang unter eine verstärkte Beaufsichtigung durch seine Gläubiger stellen soll.
Reposted from02mysoup-aa 02mysoup-aa

Thomas Manns Haus soll mehr sein als ein Denkmal

Um ein Haar wäre Thomas Manns einstiges Wohnhaus in Kalifornien als Abrissobjekt verkauft worden. Nach einem tiefgreifenden Umbau soll es nun ein Forum für Stipendiaten aus geisteswissenschaftlichen Disziplinen, Literatur und Politik werden.
Reposted from02mysoup-aa 02mysoup-aa

«Italien betreibt eine Fusion von Populismus und Technokratie»

Die neue italienische Regierung wettert gern gegen Eliten – schickt aber ihrerseits Professoren in die Ministerien. Was treibt die selbsternannten «Retter des Volkes» um? Ein Gespräch mit Jan-Werner Müller über die neue überraschende Allianz von Populisten und Technokraten.
Reposted from02mysoup-aa 02mysoup-aa

Meet the Migrant Child Detention Center Whistleblower Speaking Out Against Family Separations

S2 child separation facility ice cbp whistle blower

A youth care worker who quit his job at a Tucson detention center for unaccompanied minors is speaking out about inadequate facilities, untrained staff and inhumane policies, after witnessing the devastation of family separations firsthand. Antar Davidson says he quit after he was forced to tell children who were separated from their mother not to hug one another. The facility is run by Southwest Key, a nonprofit that operates 27 facilities and has signed a lease to detain hundreds of separated children, including many who are a younger than 12 years old, in a “baby jail” in a former warehouse and homeless shelter in Houston. For more, we speak with Antar Davidson.

Reposted from02mysoup-aa 02mysoup-aa

Aux racines du nationalisme américain

Tout en promettant de défendre, partout dans le monde, la liberté et la démocratie, le document stratégique publié le 20 septembre par l'administration Bush met fin au désarmement ; interdit à toute puissance de vouloir rivaliser avec les Etats-Unis sur le plan militaire ; théorise l'intervention à (...) / États-Unis, Géopolitique, Nationalisme, Relations internationales, Stratégie - 2002/10 Tentant précipice
Reposted from02mysoup-aa 02mysoup-aa

Au pays des sans-terre

Alors que le Brésil importe des milliards de dollars de produits agricoles, des millions de travailleurs des campagnes se voient refuser l'accès à la terre, qui continue à n'être un droit que pour une minorité. / Brésil, Agriculture, Droits humains, Inégalités, Pauvreté, Réforme agraire - 2002/10 (...) / Brésil, Agriculture, Droits humains, Inégalités, Pauvreté, Réforme agraire - 2002/10 Tentant précipice
Reposted from02mysoup-aa 02mysoup-aa

Balkan right-wing populists continue attempts to rehabilitate the legacies of World War II Nazi collaborators

Revision of the history of World War II is an important element of extremist right-wing indoctrination in Europe and recent examples from Serbia and Croatia indicate complacency of ruling elites.
Reposted from02mysoup-aa 02mysoup-aa

June 19 2018

Unter dem Schleier des Patriarchats

Najem Wali erzählt in „Saras Stunde“ die Geschichte einer Frau im wahhabitischen „Königreich des Staubs“
Rezension von Beat Mazenauer zu
Najem Wali: Saras Stunde. Roman
Hanser Berlin, Berlin 2018
Reposted from02myhumsci-01 02myhumsci-01

Die Revolte als Anekdotenreigen

In „Berlin – Stadt der Revolte“ wird die Geschichte der „Revolte“ gegen die Autoritäten in Berlin seit 1965 auf eine bloße Aneinanderreihung von Anekdoten reduziert
Rezension von Jörg Auberg zu
Michael Sontheimer; Peter Wensierski: Berlin – Stadt der Revolte
Ch. Links Verlag, Berlin 2018
Reposted from02myhumsci-01 02myhumsci-01

Die verspätete Revolte – oder warum 68 für mich lange nach 68 stattfand

Historische Ereignisse haben oft unberechenbare Langzeitfolgen. So kann jeder auf seine Art ein Unzeitgemässer sein.
Reposted from02mysoup-aa 02mysoup-aa
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