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May 24 2018

Malaysia’s new government urged to implement media reforms

Civil society groups are reminding Malaysia's new government to fulfill its reform agenda.

21 degrés de liberté – 18

21 degrés de liberté – 18

Nos conversations dans la bulle privée de l’intimité familiale ne semblent plus vraiment à l’abri de l’espionnage par les objets dont nous acceptons de nous entourer. Voici déjà le 18e article de la série écrite par Rick Falkvinge. Le fondateur … Lire la suite­­

#21_degrés_de_liberté #Internet_et_société #Non_classé #Alexa #Amazon #Apple #Confidentialite #Conversation #Echo #espionnage #Google #Siri #ViePrivee

Reposted from02mysoup-aa 02mysoup-aa

"Warum sehen viele in aggressiven Migranten eine Bedrohung des Rech...

"Warum sehen viele in aggressiven Migranten eine Bedrohung des Rechtsstaates, während es kaum Schlagzeilen macht, wenn Polizisten deutsche Jugendliche bändigen müssen? Die Kriminologin Nina Perkowski über unterschiedliche Wahrnehmungen."

Reposted from02mysoup-aa 02mysoup-aa

Wohnungslos in Berlin Die "ZDF.reportage" trifft Menschen, die ihr ...

Wohnungslos in Berlin
Die "ZDF.reportage" trifft Menschen, die ihr Zuhause verloren haben, zeigt ihren Alltag und ihren meist aussichtslosen Kampf zurück in die eigenen vier Wände. Denn in Berlin fehlen Wohnungen. Und der Mangel treibt die Mieten höher.

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4563 a558 500


Goldfish, 1911, Henri Matisse

Size: 140x95 cm
Medium: oil on canvas
Reposted fromglasgowkiss glasgowkiss viaRekrut-K Rekrut-K

Elektromobilität : Auf deutschen Straßen rollen kaum E-Taxis | heise online

Elektromobilität: Auf deutschen Straßen rollen kaum E-Taxis | heise online

Dem Deutschen Taxi- und Mietwagenverband in Frankfurt/Main zufolge waren in Rheinland-Pfalz Ende 2016 knapp 1.700 Taxis und solche Fahrzeuge unterwegs, die sowohl als Taxi und als Mietwagen genutzt werden dürfen. Die (alle vier Jahre erhobene) bundesweite Gesamtzahl beläuft sich auf rund 56.300 Fahrzeuge. Dem gegenüber stehe ein Anteil von bundesweit wahrscheinlich nicht mehr als 100 reinen Elektro-Taxis, sagte der Geschäftsführer des Verbandes, Thomas Grätz.

Den rechtlichen Rahmen hatte die Bundesregierung 2017 dahingehend geändert, dass auch Elektroautos als E-Taxi fungieren dürfen, die vom Hersteller nicht als Taxi vorgesehen sind. Dennoch ist eine Zurückhaltung beim E-Auto auch (aber nicht nur) in der Taxibranche spürbar.

#Taxi #Elektromobilität

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Save the Constitution!

In the late evening hours of June 25th 1975, Indira Gandhi, the then prime minister, rushed a letter to the president of India. In this letter Mrs Gandhi alerted the president that “information has reached us that indicates that there is an imminent danger to the security of India being threatened by internal disturbances. The matter is extremely urgent”. To move things quickly, Mrs Gandhi had attached a preformulated “proclamation of emergency” that the president could simply sign and return. She also schooled him on the constitution: “Under Article 352, even when there is an imminent danger of such a threat mentioned by me, the necessary Proclamation under Article 352 1 can be issued.” The president obliged, though, perhaps in an desperate act to push back against the unfolding emasculation of his office, made sure he left a mark: Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed changed “Article 352 1” in Mrs Gandhi’s draft to “Article 352 (1)”.

Declaring the state of emergency boosted Mrs Gandhi’s executive powers and clipped Indian citizens of most fundamental rights and civil liberties. But Mrs Gandhi saw this differently. In an interview broadcasted on Thames Television in 1977, shortly after the emergency was revoked, a nosy British reporter pressed Mrs Gandhi to explain if the Allahabad High Court’s stay order, which barred Mrs Gandhi from participating in the Lok Sabha for having fought dirty to win her seat, had anything to do with her plunging into emergency. Mrs Gandhi retorted that she was not intimidated by Indian courts. As Jawaharlal Nehru’s only child and, to cite the colourful phrase of the Congress’s former parliamentary spokesman, “the woman upon whom the Gods have entrusted the destiny of India”, the only thing standing between her and rulership, boasted Mrs Gandhi, was the question “if I want to be prime minister or not”.

Mrs Gandhi’s bearish politics and indifference to the constitution impressed Richard Nixon mightily. After stormy negotiations with Mrs Gandhi on the future of Indo-Pak relations, Nixon confided in a reporter (“don’t quote me on this..hahaha”), that Mrs Gandhi had confirmed his gender theory: When it comes to taking risky foreign policy decisions, “women are really tougher than men”. The worst nightmare in Nixon’s ‘50s chauvinism was consequently “a woman…a CUBAN woman succeeding Fidel Castro! Since we’ve already got enough trouble with him”.

India’s current ruling party, the BJP, broadly Hindu nationalist and pro-market in outlook, interspersed with spasms of leftist regulatory zeal, has not declared a constitutional emergency yet. And it is unlikely to do so. After Narender Modi remade the party in his own image, conjuring up right-wing ideological spectres from Savarkar to Yogi Adityanath and pushing RSS members into every tentacle of the government’s machinery, his regard for legal procedure and measured policy has increasingly given way to his flamboyant clothing style (which is terrific) and extravagant government programs (which are terrible). In one of his fits, aired nation-wide on November 8th 2016, Modi nullified all 500 (€6) and 1000 rupee banknotes to rid India of “black money”, leaving Indians to riddle out how to pay for food and shelter the morning after.

Modi’s politics are far more sophisticated than Mrs Gandhi’s. By playing out the cult around his person against his own party, the opposition, the bureaucracy, the military, and the judiciary, Modi has swooped up a mindboggling amount of institutional power. And all this without ever having to write needy letter to the president. He also receives backing from surprising corners. A former Supreme Court Justice recently trumpeted that the RSS, Modi’s paramilitary volunteer movement, constituted a crucial pillar for public safety.

On April 20th, the opposition flexed its parliamentary muscle to impeach Dipak Misra, the Chief Justice of India, who stands accused of allocating cases to the respective benches at his own, politically right-leaning, whim. Rahul Gandhi, the grandson of Mrs Gandhi and now leader of the Congress party, thundered that the CJI’s behaviour warranted impeachment on the grounds of Article 124 (4): there had clearly been “proven misbehaviour and incapacity”. To avoid abuse, Article 124 prescribes a long-winded and thorny process to hold judges accountable to the constitution. It involves, amongst other things, the Vice-President accepting the motion from the Lok Sabha or the upper house and an inquiry committee to hear the case and base their judgement on the high proof-standard of “beyond reasonable doubt”. All this makes Article 124 undertakings more of a marathon than a sprint.

In this case the race was throttled early by Venkaiah Naidu, the Vice-President, who elaborated in his 10-page order that “there is virtually no concrete verifiable imputation. Either the allegations are within judicial domain and concern the internal judicial processes or there are unsubstantiated surmises and conjectures which hardly merit or necessitate further investigation.” As a direct response to the Vice-President’s decision, the Congress party launched the “Save the Constitution” campaign on April 23rd. Before the next Lok Sabha elections are called, presumably in 2019, Rahul Gandhi wants to crush the Modi cult. In a speech given at the launch event for the campaign, in Delhi’s Talkatora Indoor Stadium, Rahul Gandhi chastised Modi for his ego-centric drive to secure political power: “Modi is only interested in Modi. He does not care about poverty, the raping of girls or dalits [the former lower castes; now a juicy vote-bank]. The only thing he cares about is what he has to do to get re-elected.”

“The Congress party and Ambedkar have given India the constitution. The Congress has defended it for 70 years. Then the BJP came and battered it. But we will not allow the BJP and the RSS to continue with their disregard of the constitution. In the coming elections the Indian citizens will show Modi that they want the Congress back! [loud cheers] … Whenever the BJP will interfere with the rights of women, dalits, and minorities, they will find a Congress flag waving there”. These words sound fair. But Amit Shah, Modi’s right hand man, immediately reprimanded Rahul Gandhi. It was regretful, Amit Shah said, that Rahul Gandhi, while deriving his legitimacy solely from his lineage had such a bad memory when it came to his family’s entanglements with the constitution.

Reposted from02mysoup-aa 02mysoup-aa

Dutch TV comedian blasts Israel with spoof of Eurovision winner ‘Toy' - Israel News -

Dutch TV comedian blasts Israel with spoof of Eurovision winner ‘Toy’ - Israel News -

A satirical Dutch TV show has lampooned Israel’s Eurovision Song Contest-winning song “Toy,” with new lyrics that harshly attack Israel and its treatment of the Palestinians.

Popular Dutch comedian Sanne Wallis de Vries, starring in the eponymous “Samme Wallis de Vries Show,” appeared looking like Israeli Eurovision winner Netta Barzilai in the spoof, sporting both a kimono and similar distinctive hairstyle.

The first verse of her song, freely translated from the original Dutch, says: “Look at me, I’m a very sweet country / The world’s leaders are eating out of my hand / With one kiss I put out every fire. We’re throwing a party, are you coming? Later, at the Al-Aqsa Mosque, which will be empty soon anyway.”

Just before the chorus, De Vries replaces the original transition that mentioned Wonder Woman with the words: “From Haifa to the Dead Sea, there are fireworks and kosher satay / Come dance with me to the music.”

Instead of the chorus where Barzilai sings “I’m not your toy,” the Dutch comedian sings, “Look how beautifully I launch missiles.”

Reposted from02mysoup-aa 02mysoup-aa

Mary Douglas, un certain goût pour la hiérarchie

Mary Douglas, un certain goût pour la #hiérarchie

Méconnue en France, l’œuvre de l’anthropologue Mary Douglas est pourtant fondamentale pour penser les formes élémentaires de l’organisation sociale et de la vie quotidienne. En dévoilant sa trajectoire universitaire et personnelle, ce portrait réhabilite la pensée d’une grande intellectuelle.


/ #culture, #anthropologie, hiérarchie

Reposted from02mysoup-aa 02mysoup-aa

L'écrasement de la Commune | Histoire et analyse d'images et oeuvres

L’écrasement de la Commune | Histoire et analyse d’images et oeuvres
L’écrasement de la Commune

Proclamée en mars 1871 dans la capitale assiégée par les troupes allemandes, la #Commune_de_Paris est une tentative de gouvernement populaire autonome. Réfugié à Versailles, Thiers entend terrasser cette « République de Paris ». Le 21 mai 1871, les troupes versaillaises conduites par les généraux Mac Mahon et Galliffet entrent dans la ville pour la reprendre aux insurgés. C’est le début de la « Semaine sanglante ».


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OSAR | La face cachée des statistiques de l'asile

OSAR | La face cachée des statistiques de l’asile

Les statistiques du Secrétariat d’État aux migrations (SEM) du 1e trimestre 2018 continuent d’afficher une baisse des demandes d’asile. Que faut-il comprendre de ces nouvelles données ? Une réduction des conflits dans le monde ? Une politique d’asile suisse suffisamment restrictive pour dissuader des personnes de déposer des demandes d’asile ? Karin Mathys rédactrice au sein de l’Organisation […]

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Ethnocentric Mambo in Catalonia

Catalonia is a fragile object. As in many other places, history has assembled fragments without completely fusing them, leaving behind scars that remind us of the effort required to join what is diverse. These scars demand special attention because, contrary to societies where the wounds that produced them are old and almost forgotten, in Catalonia many of the wounds were still suppurating just a few decades ago. As they do now. For months, we have been at risk of tearing them open.

Over the twentieth century, several migratory currents converged in Catalonia, attracting, in several waves, large human groups from other Spanish regions. Their arrival raised suspicion and fear in some local political circles and intellectual elites. Demographer Josep Antoni Vandellós was, in the thirties, one of the first to express concern about the dangers of immigration as an element of de-Catalanization and social instability. Heavily influenced by the ideas of eugenics and by the climate of social unrest that existed in Catalonia during the first third of the century, he proposed measures to foster natality and the use of urban policy to channel the unavoidable influx of people arriving to a region undergoing rapid industrialization and disperse them across the territory. He also advocated for the implementation of “cultural immersion” policies. Fear of immigration’s diluting effect shows up in different ways in more recent decades. Some analysts see it in Jordi Pujol’s obsession with setting up power structures that ensured the preeminence of Catalan culture. This influence is clearer in nationalist leaders who did not hide their xenophobic ideas, such as Heribert Barrera.

Nevertheless, the undeniable plurality of Catalan society, particularly its working class, traditionally convinced large swaths of the political elite of the need to devote energy and efforts to build a cohesive society, in which one’s place of birth (or that of their ancestors) wouldn’t be a relevant marker that could jeopardize welfare opportunities or upward mobility. Catalonia had to become "un sol poble" (“one single people”), where old and new Catalans could eventually identify under a shared national ideal. As such, and going by Benedict Anderson’s definition of nation, the Catalonia of "un sol poble" would be an "imagined community" of individuals and groups, fraternally united under a fictional but beloved construct, despite pervading differences and inequalities in the population and the more or less explicit suspicion and fear that would persist in some minority sectors.

The problem lies with the national ideal that different groups intended that new Catalans embrace. The idea of "un sol poble" has been brandished by well-meaning people trying to contribute to building a society where nobody would be left behind for lack of Catalan language skills; but also by those who used it for a nation-building project that could give way to the creation of a state of their own, thus depriving millions of Catalans of the chance to keep their citizenship ties with a country to which they still feel connected in many ways (ascribed and acquired rights, personal ties, emotional connections, etcetera).

It was hard to fathom that the project would end up led by a Molt Honorable President Quim Torra who proudly exhibited markedly ethnocentric and supremacist views in his written works both in social networks and traditional media. And I say hard to fathom because these views, although known to exist in the Catalan society, are fortunately quite marginal. Thus, according to the Political Environment Survey from the Center for Opinion Studies, only 13.5% of the population view being a Catalan native as something very important to be considered a true Catalan (although the percentage increases to 19% among the people whose mother tongue is Catalan). 21.9% consider "sharing Catalan customs and traditions” very important (30% among native Catalan speakers).

However, although Catalans holding ethnocentric views are a minority, the "procés" has elevated several of them to positions of public preeminence, where they got a chance to publish their views, usually in the form of small bits or memes that express supremacist ideas and spread the notion that society is split between good and bad Catalans.

Memes are cultural units of minimal information that appear recurrently in an identifiable and widely known way. A very common one in Catalonia during these “procés” years is to show explicit contempt for everything Spanish in a disinhibited and lewd way, often accompanied by offenses and insults. It often appears in humoristic contexts, in the form of derisive and provocative gestures that invite laughter in a group that shares (partially at least) the subtext. Comedians and buffoons such as Pepe Rubianes, Albert Pla, Toni Albà or Toni Soler have used their role to mainstream this type of interventions – emulating figures that in other contexts, have also played the populist card as comedians, such as 'Beppe' Grillo.

One notorious example, that achieved significant impact in media and social networks, was a tirade by the actor Pepe Rubianes in an afternoon TV program in TV3 [the regional public TV channel in Catalan -TN] in which he was interviewed: "Spain’s unity can suck my balls from the front and from behind; they can shove Spain up their fucking asses, and see if it explodes inside and leaves their balls hanging from a bell tower; they can go take a dump in the fucking beach with the fucking Spain, I have been putting up with fucking Spain since I was born, to hell with the country…", Several versions of the video are posted in Youtube. They have over half a million views combined.

The key to the success of this kind of performances is that they leave no one indifferent. They manage to divide the viewers in two segments: those who consider them acceptable (as an expression protected by freedom of speech, for satire  is just a form of protected speech) and those who take offense. The reaction of this latter group (which in the case of Rubianes ended up in a lawsuit for insults against Spain, eventually dismissed) becomes a resonance mechanism that amplifies the effect of the message.

This type of memes can also be used to insert stereotypes and prejudices over everything related to Spain. In talk shows and social networks there are true specialists in mockery and offensive derision: Salvador Sostres (during his nationalist stint, interrupted by his recruitment by country-wide media), Enric Vila, Mark Serra or Quim Torra himself are some of the best known. Others merrily join the party. Joan Oliver, ex-director of TV3, stated in a debate in the radio program El Món in RAC1: "Spaniards are Spaniards and they are thieves just by being Spaniards". In this sense, the assimilation of Spanish elements corrupts Catalonia, as suggested by sociologist Salvador Cardús on Twitter: "Corruption in Catalonia is a consequence of Spanish influence in the last decades". Although these remarks appear only occasionally, they connect with less explicit cues about all things Spanish, which are featured more frequently in Catalan audiovisual production. It also connects with opinion trends that are more vigorously expressed in social networks and in the streets.

Contempt for everything Spanish is often accompanied by praise for everything Catalan. Northern Europe is Catalonia’s mirror. President Artur Mas, in an interview with Pilar Rahola in La Vanguardia, mentioned the existence of a Carolingian cultural DNA in Catalonia, originated from being part of the Marca Hispanica in the 9th century, "an umbilical cord that makes us more Germanic and less Roman" (24-1-2012). According to this view, Catalonia would not be a land of intermixed peoples where an overwhelming majority of people were either born in another Spanish region or have ancestors or relatives from outside Catalonia, or where Spanish is the most widely spoken language. Catalonia would have millenary roots that shape a singular personality, a genuine and irreducible Geist.

The most ludicrous extolling of Catalan culture are the efforts of the Institut de Nova Historia (INH) to provide a new historical perspective that fully acknowledge the historical role of the Catalan nation and make possible to divulge the Catalan condition of universal figures. Thanks to its works, we now “know” that Columbus, Saint Teresa of Ávila or Michael Servetus were actually Catalan, and that La Celestina or El Lazarillo de Tormes were originally written in Catalan, then translated and the originals destroyed. Some may think I’m talking about a fringe group of freaks ignored by the intellectual and political Catalan mainstream, and it is true that its discoveries do not make headlines in the news in TV3. But in 2013, ERC awarded the National Lluís Companys Award to the INH, and many politicians and intellectuals have repeatedly mentioned their theses.

Not even the more seemingly serious academics miss a chance to assert Catalan superiority. An excellent example is an article published in El País on 4-11-2013 by Political Science professor Jordi Matas Dalmases, "Clash of political cultures". In it he distills Catalan and Spanish cultural features, without any references or supporting literature, into essential traits that explain the conflict: "An exceedingly Manichean perception of politics is prevalent in Spain. It is perhaps the result of an influential socialization process based on different manifestations (social, religious, political or military) of two irreconcilable sides within Spain. Spanish political culture tends to assess political reality in dichotomic terms, it does not usually distinguish between differences of degree and it is configured as a simplifying two-party system with PP and PSOE taking the leading roles, both in Congress and in most regional Parliaments (…). In Catalonia there is an ancestral culture of agreement which is a consequence of historical, geographical, economic and social factors. Such culture envisages political dynamics as the management of a bargaining process, of integration, of pluralism and also pragmatism". Others, such as lawyer and columnist Jordi Cabré Trias, head of the General Directorate of Law and Legal Entities of the Generalitat, prefer to not indulge in such long-windedness:"We are better" (Avui, 5-3-2015). Enough said.

With varying degrees of caution, several world-class economists joined around the Col·lectiu Wilson give credence to the idea that, by means of independence, a great economic leap forward is within reach for Catalonia. In several texts, independence is presented as an opportunity to get rid of old and inefficient institutional and economical structures and to establish a new set of rules of the game that would allow Catalonia to become a more attractive country for wealth creation and enjoyment. Although the reasoning for this belief that Catalan leaders and society would establish more efficient and egalitarian structures is never provided, they do state that Catalonia’s preferences and interests, differing from those of the Spaniards, would be better addressed in the framework of an independent State.

This leap forward hypothesized by Col·lectiu Wilson economists stops being a mere hypothesis when retold by many nationalist politicians and agitators. They have no qualms about placing an independent Catalonia in the Olympus of small-sized economic powers in Europe, together with Denmark or the Netherlands, in case of remaining in the European Union, or Norway and Switzerland if it were not admitted in it. Some Col·lectiu Wilson members are infected with this enthusiasm. For instance, Economy professor Xavier Sala i Martín openly stated, in an interview in Vilaweb, that Catalonia meets the conditions to become a country as prosperous and competitive as Switzerland (5-1-2012).

Putting it a tawdrier way, writer Isabel Clara-Simó, stated the following prediction about independence in the journal Avui: "We will be the fourth European power, and Europe will be proud to finally have a civilized state in the South of the continent" (30-11-2010).

Rivalry and competitive pluralism are inherent to democratic societies. This serves a common, shared purpose beyond conflict. The adversaries compete in the search for goals, this is what motivates their confrontation. Enemies clash because they view each other’s existence as an existential threat. Their ultimate goal is to destroy their opponent.

The tendency to split Catalans into good and bad has been entrenched in Catalan society for decades. It has repeatedly appeared in Pujol’s nationalist discourse, particularly when he felt cornered by the Spanish public prosecutor during the trial against Banca Catalana. But the "procés" put the spotlight on new actors in the political scene who systematically deny to others the condition of mere political adversaries. Nationalist politicians refer to leaders of other political parties, representing hundreds of thousands of Catalans, as enemies in their statements. The People’s Party and Ciudadanos became the target of harsh rhetorical attacks from the main leaders of the independence movement. In a few years the People’s Party went from being an ally of Artur Mas’ government in its first two years, to being accused of trampling over the freedom of Catalans and suppressing their legitimate right to decide. Regarding Ciudadanos, they were accused in the regional parliament of making the destruction of Catalonia their political goal (Homs, 11-12-2013). Their leader, Inés Arrimadas, was told to go back to Cádiz (where she was born) by Nuria de Gispert, ex-president of the regional parliament. Later, attacks extended to PSC socialists, branding them as collaborationists, in particular after the invocation of article 155 [the article in the Spanish Constitution that lets the central government take control of regional institutions -TN].

This rhetoric represents a true qualitative change that destroys the minimum bases for common understanding and hinders of dialogue of any kind. Inés Arrimadas admitted in a parliamentary speech that members of the two blocks do not even greet each other in the corridors (24-3-2018). Catalan politics has entered a phase of gradual deterioration of communication between groups, without any respite in sight. Simply hinting at the possibility of discussing something with the enemy, of accepting minimal conditions to begin a dialogue or to explore potential points of agreement away from the antagonistic positions set by the most radical implies a severe risk of being discredited by your own group.

It takes two to tango. Pushing ethnocentrism and supremacist ideas carries the risk of feeding similar attitudes in the group that feels threatened or attacked. These processes are widely described in the literature about civil and religious conflicts. Some, on both sides, seem eager for the mambo to begin (the CUP explicitly demands so in an election campaign video). Let’s hope that a mature society such as the Catalan reminds them that a majority is not willing to break up.

A Spanish version of this article has been previously published by Agenda Pública.

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*L'Espagne appelle l'UE à récompenser les efforts du Maroc* ❝Le gouvernement espagnol a appelé la…

L’Espagne appelle l’UE à récompenser les efforts du Maroc

Le gouvernement espagnol a appelé la Commission européenne à mieux soutenir les pays comme le Maroc qui supportent une grande pression migratoire et participent à la gestion de ces flux.

Le gouvernement espagnol n’est guère satisfait de la gestion, par l’Europe, de l’épineux dossier de l’immigration et du contrôle des frontières. Selon la presse espagnole, Madrid a tapé du poing sur la table, lundi dernier à Bruxelles. Le gouvernement Rajoy souhaite que la question des frontières soit la chasse gardée de Madrid et Rabat. À cet égard, l’Exécutif espagnol a catégoriquement rejeté une proposition formulée par la Commission européenne (CE) au sujet de la gestion du dossier migratoire. De fait, la CE veut poster « une importante armée », pour paraphraser l’Exécutif ibérique, de gardes-frontières aux portes de l’Europe. Concrètement, Bruxelles a proposé le renforcement des effectifs du Frontex, l’agence européenne de garde-frontières et de garde-côtes, en portant leur nombre de 1.500 actuellement à 10.000 à partir de 2021. La position espagnole a été transmise par le secrétaire d’État espagnol aux Affaires européennes, Jorge Toledo. Durant une rencontre des membres du Club des vingt-huit, organisée lundi dernier pour débattre du cadre financier pluriannuel 2020-2027 (plan des dépenses européennes pour les années à venir), l’Espagne s’est fermement opposée à un déploiement quasi-militaire aux frontières. « Nous croyons que la politique de protection des frontières revêt une dimension particulière. Coopérer avec les pays qui constituent la première frontière, même en dehors de l’UE, est fondamental (…) Il faut renforcer le dialogue, la coopération et le financement au profit de ces pays », a-t-il plaidé.

Selon les prévisions de ce budget, la contrepartie financière réservée à la surveillance des frontières, l’asile et la migration, passera de 13 à 33 millions d’euros. Madrid a estimé que les éléments du Frontex pèchent par leur inexpérience en matière de gestion des flux migratoires. De ce fait, le gouvernement de Rajoy croit savoir que la solution proposée par la CE est plus coûteuse, avec des résultats peu probants. « En Espagne, et dans les pays ayant des frontières hors Europe , nous disposons de l’expérience pour le faire », a martelé le secrétaire d’État espagnol. Comme alternative, Madrid estime qu’il serait plus judicieux d’apporter une aide financière directe aux pays comme l’Espagne et le Maroc, qui maîtrisent parfaitement le sujet. À cet effet, l’équipe gouvernementale de Mariano Rajoy suggère le renforcement de la coopération avec le Maroc, en plus d’aides financières européennes.

En outre, selon le pure-player www.elespañ, très proche du gouvernement, Madrid ne souhaite pas que la CE se mêle de la gestion de ses frontières avec le royaume. Une position qui va à l’encontre de la démarche des précédents gouvernements espagnols, lesquels étaient en faveur du renforcement du rôle de l’agence Frontex, relève le média. À travers cette sortie, le gouvernement Rajoy envoie un message clair de soutien et d’entente à son homologue marocain. À souligner que ce n’est pas la première fois que l’Espagne appelle à un renforcement de la coopération avec le Maroc et à consacrer des fonds au royaume pour ses efforts dans la gestion des flux migratoires.
#Espagne #externalisation #asile #migrations #réfugiés #externalisation_des_contrôles_frontaliers #frontières #Maroc

Commentaire de Elisa Tyszler, via la mailing-list de Migreurop :

Madrid se dit contre le renforcement de Frontex (pour ses résultats peu probants en matière de gestion des flux migratoires) proposé par la Commission européenne et pour "apporter une #aide_financière directe aux pays comme l’Espagne et le Maroc, qui maîtrisent parfaitement le sujet. À cet effet, l’équipe gouvernementale de Mariano Rajoy suggère le renforcement de la coopération avec le Maroc, en plus d’aides financières européennes. « Nous croyons que la politique de protection des frontières revêt une dimension particulière. Coopérer avec les pays qui constituent la première frontière, même en dehors de l’UE, est fondamental (…) Il faut renforcer le dialogue, la coopération et le financement au profit de ces pays », a plaidé le représentant de l’État espagnol. Une belle ode à l’externalisation !

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Griechen sind Gadget-Fans

Laut einer Untersuchung der GfK gaben in Griechenland die Konsumenten im ersten Quartal 2018 rund 500 Millionen Euro für elektrische und elektronische Geräte aus.
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Defenestration mit Folgen - Dreißigjähriger Krieg: Der Fenstersturz in die europäische Katastrophe

Vor 400 Jahren, am 23. Mai 1618, warfen Vertreter der protestantischen böhmischen Stände zwei königliche Statthalter und einen Kanzleisekretär aus einem Fenster der Prager Burg. Was folgte, waren 30 Jahre Krieg.
Reposted from02mysoup-aa 02mysoup-aa
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